外文翻譯--自助結(jié)賬，超市，以及其他美國人生活中的自助服務(wù)發(fā)展趨勢

1、<p>　　2500英文單詞，14500英文字符，中文3350字</p><p>　　文獻(xiàn)出處：Andrews C K. 'Do-it-yourself": Self-checkouts, supermarkets, and the self-service trend in American business[J]. Dissertations & Theses - Grad

2、works, 2009. </p><p>　　‘DO-IT-YOURSELF’: SELF-CHECKOUTS, SUPERMARKETS, AND THE SELF- SERVICE TREND IN AMERICAN BUSINESS</p><p>　　Christopher K. Andrews</p><p>　　Abstract：A signific

3、ant portion of sociology has always taken as its central focus the underlying relationship between economy and society. This dissertation continues this tradition by examining how self-service and its ‘do-it-yourself’ e

4、thos is changing the U.S. economy and the way in which Americans consume goods and services. Focusing upon the supermarket industry and the three principle stakeholder groups involved – employers, employees, and consumer

5、s – this dissertation examines why busine</p><p>　　This dissertation adopts a multi-method approach, using information collected from eighty face-to-face interviews with customers, employees, and store manag

6、ers, as well as secondary data and nonparticipant observation. Secondary data sources include published economic indicators and employment statistics, as well as information provided by newspaper and retail industry publ

7、ications; nonparticipant observation was used to collect field notes documenting staffing levels, customer behavior, and oth</p><p>　　Precisely why self-checkouts are being introduced remains a much-debated

8、issue. Interviews indicate that organized labor and consumers view them as primarily a cost- cutting mechanism, yet labor costs within the industry continue to rise and employment remains relatively stable. At present, a

9、 number of social and economic barriers currently limit the extent of their use in stores; these factors include theft, maintenance, perceptions of service, internal controls, and specific labor contract pro</p>&

10、lt;p>　　The benefits offered to consumers remains unclear. A majority of customers surveyed still prefer conventional cashier lanes, yet self-checkout clearly appeals to some consumers due to the perceived speed, contr

11、ol, and independence. However, results indicate that under most circumstances self-checkouts are not faster than conventional methods of checkout due to differences in user skill and experience. This may change, however,

12、 as similar self-service technologies become increasingly common in th</p><p>　　Chapter1：Introduction </p><p>　　Capitalism and the Quest for Value</p><p>　　Historically, capitalist

13、enterprises have utilized a variety of strategies to increase the creation of commodities, profit, and the accumulation of capital. The most precious commodity, however, and most productive of assets has always been huma

14、n labor; indeed, as Marx ([1867] 1977) once argued, ‘labor is the source of all value’. Thus, over time, businesses have sought to develop new methods of mastering and extracting this most precious of commodities. Accord

15、ingly, the labor process throughout</p><p>　　In the industrial economy, capitalists used technology and the restructuring of work to extract greater value from workers. Large-scale machinery – and later, com

16、puters – were used to reduce or outmode certain forms of labor. These forms of technology not only made work more productive, but could produce goods and commodities faster and on a</p><p>　　far greater scal

17、e than before (e.g., mass production). Such an increase in the productivity and intensity of labor not only reduced the necessary labor time in the production process (i.e., the time spent working or commodities furnishe

18、d required to offset the initial costs of labor and materials), but in some cases eliminated the need for labor outright.</p><p>　　Other strategies involved the reorganization of labor. The manufacturing sys

19、tem, for example, typically produced what is referred to as a ‘detailed’ division of labor, in which workers no longer labored in a craft system but instead focused on more detailed and minute aspects of the overall proc

20、ess (Braverman [1974] 1998; Smith [1789] 1994). This allowed businesses to replace expensive artisans with less-skilled – and therefore, less expensive – workers. Scientific management, bureaucracy, and o</p><

21、p>　　However, most Americans no longer work in an industrial economy. Indeed, today, fewer than twelve percent of the employed population works in industrial or manufacturing occupations.1 Instead, most Americans work

22、in service industries, providing services in well-lit offices and stores rather than furnishing commodities in an industrial factory.</p><p>　　Yet, the drive for profit and the accumulation of capital remain

23、s, essentially, the same. Businesses in today’s service economy are still driven by the same economic principles that defined industrial manufacturing over a century ago, namely profit and the accumulation of capital. Th

24、us, a major question is how capitalist enterprises pursue these same goals within the new context of a service-based economy.</p><p>　　The Rise of Self-Service</p><p>　　In the perpetual quest to

25、 cut costs and increase value, businesses in today’s service economy are increasingly turning to ‘self-service’. Described as “the ultimate in outsourcing”, self-service describes the substitution of paid or wage labor w

26、ith the unpaid labor of consumers.2 Replacing the labor of workers with consumers’, businesses are using self-service to slash labor costs and reduce costly overhead. Stated simply, “[s]elf- service appeals to companies

27、for an obvious reason: it saves mon</p><p>　　Yet, the trend itself is by no means new. Since the early 20th century, businesses such</p><p>　　as supermarkets (e.g., Piggly Wiggly) and cafeterias

28、 (e.g., automats) experimented with self-service as a way to cut costs. Later, retail and health care industries restructured to increase customer participation in the labor process and cut labor costs (Glazer 1993). Now

29、 self-service is ubiquitous; we pump our own gas, check our own bags, scan our own credit cards, and clear our own tables at fast-food restaurants.</p><p>　　What is new, though, is the increasing role techno

30、logy plays in this process. As Ritzer (1999) notes, self-service increasingly describes transactions with things rather than people. Thus, like industrial manufacturing, the expansion of self-service appears to depend in

31、 large part upon the successful interaction of people and machines:</p><p>　　[T]o work well, self-service requires the marriage of customers with machines and software. That union…is now doing for the servic

32、e sector what mass production once did for manufacturing: automating processes and significantly cutting costs.</p><p>　　Therefore, a key question is how businesses in the service sector are using new techno

33、logy to further cut costs by offloading work onto consumers, and how consumers and workers in the service industry are reacting to this new cost-cutting strategy.</p><p>　　In this dissertation, I propose tha

34、t self-service is one of the ways by which businesses are expanding their source of labor while reducing labor costs. Focusing on a particular form of self-service technology (the self-checkout) within a specific industr

35、y (the grocery and supermarket industry), I argue that self-service is being used by businesses to reduce their need for and dependence upon paid labor while maintaining overall productivity and efficiency in the labor p

36、rocess. By automating som</p><p>　　What is unclear, however, is how the shift towards self-service will affect those employed in the grocery industry, as well as the nature of and need for their employment.

37、Will the introduction of self-checkouts reduce the demand and need for labor in the grocery industry, or will it simply transform the type of work required? How will it affect the jobs that remain, and how will workers v

38、iew such changes?</p><p>　　Equally unclear is how consumers will respond to this shift, and what role, if any, they will play in the decision to adopt such new ways of doing business. Will consumers embrace

39、the new technology or will they cling to the traditional ways of doing business? How do they view the installation of self-checkouts in grocery stores and how are they socialized to its use?</p><p>　　In the

40、remainder of Chapter 1, I address the introduction and expansion of self- checkouts in the grocery and retail industries, as well as the reasons businesses provide for their adoption. This is followed by a discussion of

41、how employees, businesses, and consumers perceive the shift towards self-service.</p><p>　　Chapter 2 (‘Literature Review’) links the rise of self-service to labor-related issues in capitalism, illustrating h

42、ow self-service fits within the context of our service-driven economy. Reviewing major structural changes in the U.S. economy, I describe how contemporary concerns regarding the restructuring of work, as well as the use

43、and effect of technology in the workplace, place the introduction of self-checkout lanes within an established literature on work and technology. Additionally, I lo</p><p>　　In Chapter 3 (‘Data and Methods’)

44、, I explain why I believe the supermarket industry is a useful, if not ideal, case study for examining the shift towards self-service, and describe the sampling and interviewing methods. The chapter also includes a descr

45、iption of the stores sampled, the demographics of their respective customers, and the geographic area in which the research was conducted.</p><p>　　Chapter 4 (‘Why Adopt Self-Checkouts?’) is the first of thr

46、ee chapters detailing the results of this research and centers on how each of the three major stakeholder groups – businesses, employees, and consumers – view the introduction of self-checkouts. Particular attention is g

47、iven to how each group explains businesses’ adoption of self- checkouts, as well as their views regarding competing claims and the reasons they offer in explaining their adoption by businesses.</p><p>　　Chap

48、ter 5 (‘The Effect of Self-Checkouts on Work and Employment’) describes how self-checkouts are affecting work and employment patterns in the retail food industry. Focusing upon employment, skill requirements, and job qua

49、lity, I describe how specific factors shape the use of self-checkouts in stores in ways that limit their economic effect. Additionally, I describe how larger, external factors play a role in shaping employment patterns i

50、n the industry.</p><p>　　Chapter 6 (‘Impact of Self-Checkouts on Customers’) centers on consumers’ attitudes and experiences using self-checkouts, and explores the various claims concerning their use. Partic

51、ular attention is given to customer preferences in conducting checkout transactions, their experiences in using self-checkouts, and how such experiences compare to those at traditional cashier checkout lanes.</p>

52、<p>　　The concluding seventh chapter (‘Conclusion’) summarizes the findings of the three preceding chapters, as well as contributions to existing literature, and discusses future questions regarding the social and e

53、conomic effects of self-checkouts. The chapter ends with a discussion of how self-service may restructure relationships in the market between businesses, employees, and consumers and what implications this has for the de

54、finition and meaning of ‘service’.</p><p>　　The Expansion of Self-Checkouts</p><p>　　Self-checkouts have flourished within the service industries, most notably within the retail and grocery mark

55、ets. Kmart, Wal-Mart, and Home Depot – just to name a few – have each begun introducing self-checkout lanes to their retail stores. In 2001, National Cash Register (NCR), the largest manufacturer and provider of self-che

56、ckout technology, signed a deal with Kmart, promising to install approximately five thousand self- checkouts systems at thirteen hundred stores by year’s end.5 In a 2001 i</p><p>　　Self-checkouts have made s

57、imilar inroads in the grocery industry and are currently</p><p>　　operating in most major supermarket chains, including Albertsons, A&P, Food Lion, SuperFood, Harris Teeter, Kroger, Meijer, Safeway, and

58、Stop & Shop supermarkets.10Kroger, which operates over two thousand supermarket and convenience stores, has introduced more than five thousand self-checkouts since the late 1990’s.11 Similarly, Food Lion, with over o

59、ne thousand stores in the mid-Atlantic region, plans to introduce self-checkouts in their new Bloom stores, which offer upscale and gourmet foods.1</p><p>　　With a foot in the door, the presence of self-chec

60、kouts has expanded exponentially. According to a survey by the Food Marketing Institute (FMI), in 1999 only six percent of supermarkets in the U.S. offered self-checkout lanes in their stores; by 2003 that number had ris

61、en to thirty-eight percent.13 While a journalist at the New York Times cited an independent estimate of ten thousand self-checkouts in 2002, industry expert and president of IHL Consulting Group Greg Buzek places the cur

62、rent numbe</p><p>　　In part, the rise of self-service in the grocery industry can be traced to earlier practices,</p><p>　　such as having customers bag their own groceries. This method, used by

63、the Bottom Dollar and Shoppers supermarket chains, among others, is used to cut costs in order to offer lower prices.16 Their theory is that customers will be willing to do more of the work– bag their own groceries, for

64、instance – if it results in lower prices. Since then, most stores have latched on to the self-service model, most prominently through the use of self-checkouts.</p><p>　　One notable exception is Publix Super

65、 Markets, a supermarket chain based in Lakeland, Florida. With approximately eight hundred stores, Publix is fighting the self- service trend in the grocery industry, claiming that it goes against the company’s culture a

66、nd core value of customer service.17 With most of their competitors hopping on the self- service bandwagon, Publix is betting that customers will still see value in human- provided services, implying that consumers enj

67、oy and seek out busines</p><p>　　be served by another person. Another strategy, used by Safeway, a California-basedcompany with nearly seventeen hundred stores in the U.S. and Canada, is offering customers a

68、ssistance with carrying their groceries to their car. In resisting the self-service movement, chains such as Publix and Safeway are betting that consumers will still seek out human assistance, even if it comes with sligh

69、tly higher prices.</p><p>　　As outlined above, self-checkout machines are rapidly transforming the grocery and retail industry. While some companies – such as Publix Super Markets – may choose not to partici

70、pate in this high-tech transformation, the increasing number and presence of these machines suggest that they are quickly becoming part of the consumer landscape in retail and grocery stores nationwide.</p><p&

71、gt;　　As I will outline in the next section, these devices promise a variety of advantages and benefits to consumers and businesses alike, suggesting that they will increasingly be a</p><p>　　part of our dail

72、y shopping experience. Yet, before we examine how they have been received by the public, we must first examine the businesses that manufacture self- checkouts, and the economic advantages they promise to businesses and c

73、onsumers.</p><p>　　“自己來”： 自助結(jié)賬，超市，以及其他美國人生活中的</p><p><b>　　自助服務(wù)發(fā)展趨勢</b></p><p>　　摘要：在研究經(jīng)濟(jì)和社會(huì)之間的關(guān)系的時(shí)候，社會(huì)學(xué)的某些部分就成了重點(diǎn)。本文通過研究如何進(jìn)行自助服務(wù)以及其“自己動(dòng)手做”的精神內(nèi)涵對(duì)美國經(jīng)濟(jì)和美國人消費(fèi)商品與服務(wù)的方式的改變，繼承了

74、這一傳統(tǒng)。通過研究超市行業(yè)及其所涉及到的三個(gè)主要利益群體——雇主、雇員、消費(fèi)者，本文探討了為什么超市都采用自動(dòng)結(jié)賬通道。特別注意找到一些問題的答案，這些問題包括自助服務(wù)的引入、它們對(duì)該行業(yè)的工作和就業(yè)的影響以及公眾對(duì)這項(xiàng)技術(shù)的期望和態(tài)度。</p><p>　　本文采用多元法，使用的數(shù)據(jù)來自于與80位顧客、員工和店長進(jìn)行的面對(duì)面訪、二手?jǐn)?shù)據(jù)和非參與者的觀察數(shù)據(jù)。二手?jǐn)?shù)據(jù)包括公開的經(jīng)濟(jì)指標(biāo)和就業(yè)數(shù)據(jù)以及報(bào)紙和零售行業(yè)

75、出版物上的數(shù)據(jù)，非參與者觀察數(shù)據(jù)用來搜集記錄人員配置水平、顧客行為以及其他相關(guān)信息。</p><p>　　自助結(jié)賬服務(wù)到底為什么被引入依然是一個(gè)備受爭議的問題。訪談表明，有組織的勞工和消費(fèi)者認(rèn)為這是一種削減成本的方法，但在業(yè)內(nèi)勞動(dòng)力成本不斷上升而就業(yè)保持相對(duì)穩(wěn)定。目前，一些社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)方面的障礙仍限制著其在商店中的使用程度，這些因素包括盜竊，設(shè)備維護(hù)，顧客對(duì)于服務(wù)的看法，內(nèi)部控制，以及具體的勞動(dòng)合同規(guī)定。結(jié)果還表明

76、，市場的外部因素而不是內(nèi)部因素可能會(huì)推動(dòng)當(dāng)前的就業(yè)趨勢，包括在低工資勞動(dòng)力市場的競爭和零售食品行業(yè)的非聯(lián)合競爭。</p><p>　　自助結(jié)賬服務(wù)提供給消費(fèi)者的益處仍不太清楚。大部分受訪者表示還是喜歡傳統(tǒng)的收銀通道，但自助結(jié)賬服務(wù)正在通過感知的速度、自主控制和獨(dú)立性來吸引消費(fèi)者。但是，調(diào)查結(jié)果表明，由于用戶技術(shù)和經(jīng)驗(yàn)的不同，在大多數(shù)情況下自簽并不比常規(guī)方法更快。這種狀況可能會(huì)改變，類似的自助服務(wù)技術(shù)在服務(wù)行業(yè)中正

77、變得越來與普遍。</p><p><b>　　第一章：介紹</b></p><p>　　資本主義和追求的價(jià)值</p><p>　　從歷史上看,資本主義企業(yè)利用各種策略來提高商品的創(chuàng)新、利潤和資本的積累。然而，最寶貴的商品和最具生產(chǎn)力的資產(chǎn)一直是人類勞動(dòng)力；事實(shí)上，正如馬克思([1867]1977號(hào))曾說，“勞動(dòng)是一切價(jià)值的源泉”。因此，隨著時(shí)間

78、的推移，企業(yè)開始尋求管理和摘錄這種最寶貴的商品的新方法。于是，貫穿整個(gè)美國歷史的勞動(dòng)過程就變化和創(chuàng)新而言可能是最好的思考，作為取代現(xiàn)有的增殖和資本積累的新手段。</p><p>　　在工業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)中，資本家利用技術(shù)和重組工作從工人中提取更大的價(jià)值。大型機(jī)械,之后,電腦——被用來減少或淘汰某些形式的勞動(dòng)。這些形式的技術(shù)不僅使工作更有效率，而且生產(chǎn)產(chǎn)品的速度更快，規(guī)模比以前更大（如：大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)）。這樣的生產(chǎn)率的增加和勞動(dòng)

79、強(qiáng)度的加強(qiáng)不僅減少了在生產(chǎn)過程中的必要?jiǎng)趧?dòng)時(shí)間（即所花費(fèi)的工作時(shí)間或商品的需要用來抵消勞動(dòng)力和材料的初始成本），而且在某些情況下完全消除勞動(dòng)的必要性。</p><p>　　其他策略涉及到勞動(dòng)的重組。例如，生產(chǎn)制造系統(tǒng)，通常被稱為一個(gè)詳細(xì)的勞動(dòng)分工生產(chǎn)過程，在這項(xiàng)勞動(dòng)分工中，工人不再在工藝系統(tǒng)中勞作，而是專注于總體流程中更詳細(xì)的和微小的方面(布雷弗曼[1974]1998，史密斯[1789]1994號(hào))。這使得企業(yè)替

80、換掉費(fèi)用高且技能低的工匠，因此，工人的工資不再那么高?？茖W(xué)管理、機(jī)構(gòu)設(shè)置和控制工作場所的其他形式同樣被企業(yè)采用，這在不同程度上使工人的勞動(dòng)更合理、規(guī)范、有效和多產(chǎn)(卡夫1999;辛普森湯普森1999;1989;1980克勞森)。</p><p>　　然而，大多數(shù)美國人不再在工業(yè)經(jīng)濟(jì)時(shí)代工作。事實(shí)上，現(xiàn)在只有不到百分之十二的就業(yè)人口在工業(yè)或制造業(yè)行業(yè)工作。相反，大多數(shù)美國人更愿意在服務(wù)行業(yè)工作，在明亮的辦公室和商店

81、提供服務(wù)，而不是在一個(gè)工業(yè)工廠中生產(chǎn)產(chǎn)品。</p><p>　　但是，不論是追求利潤還是資本積累，從本質(zhì)上講都是一樣的。現(xiàn)在的服務(wù)經(jīng)濟(jì)中的企業(yè)仍然被相同的經(jīng)濟(jì)原則所驅(qū)使，這個(gè)經(jīng)濟(jì)原則還是在一個(gè)世紀(jì)以前定義的，即利潤和資本的積累。因此,一個(gè)主要的問題是資本主義企業(yè)在服務(wù)經(jīng)濟(jì)的新背景下如何追逐這些共同的目標(biāo)。</p><p><b>　　自助服務(wù)的崛起</b></p

82、><p>　　在永恒的追求降低成本增加價(jià)值的時(shí)代，在今天的服務(wù)經(jīng)濟(jì)中，企業(yè)越來越多地轉(zhuǎn)向“自助服務(wù)”。被大家稱為“外包”的終極，自助服務(wù)描述用支付或雇傭勞動(dòng)的方式來替代消費(fèi)者的無償勞動(dòng)。用消費(fèi)者的勞動(dòng)取代勞動(dòng)工人的勞動(dòng)，企業(yè)使用自助服務(wù)削減勞動(dòng)力成本，減少昂貴的開銷。簡單的說,“自助服務(wù)吸引公司的一個(gè)明顯原因就是它省錢。”</p><p>　　然而，這一趨勢本身絕不是新的。自20世紀(jì)初以來，企

83、業(yè)例如超市(如Piggly Wiggly）和自助餐廳(如自動(dòng)售貨機(jī))嘗試用自助服務(wù)來降低成本。后來，零售和衛(wèi)生保健行業(yè)重新調(diào)整來增加客戶參與勞動(dòng)過程和削減勞動(dòng)力成本(格雷澤1993)?，F(xiàn)在自助服務(wù)無處不在，我們?yōu)樽约杭佑痛驓?，檢查自己的行李，掃描自己的信用卡，在快餐店明確自己的時(shí)間。</p><p>　　什么是新的，盡管在這一過程中技術(shù)發(fā)揮了越來越大的作用。正如Ritzer(1999)指出，自助服務(wù)越來越多地描述

84、交易的東西而不是人。因此,如工業(yè)制造中自助服務(wù)的擴(kuò)張似乎在很大程度上依賴于人機(jī)的成功交互:</p><p>　　“要想工作好，自助服務(wù)需要客戶提供機(jī)器和軟件的聯(lián)結(jié)關(guān)系。工會(huì)現(xiàn)在為服務(wù)業(yè)要做的就是像曾經(jīng)在自動(dòng)化過程中大規(guī)模生產(chǎn)那樣和大幅削減成本?！?lt;/p><p>　　因此，一個(gè)關(guān)鍵問題是企業(yè)在服務(wù)行業(yè)如何使用新技術(shù)，通過進(jìn)一步把工作分?jǐn)偨o消費(fèi)者削減成本，以及消費(fèi)者和工人在服務(wù)行業(yè)如何應(yīng)對(duì)這

85、一新的削減成本的策略。</p><p>　　在本論文中，我認(rèn)為自助服務(wù)是一種方式，企業(yè)通過自助服務(wù)來擴(kuò)大他們的勞動(dòng)力來源，同時(shí)減少勞動(dòng)力成本。專注于一個(gè)特定形式的自助服務(wù)技術(shù)(自助式)在一個(gè)特定行業(yè)(食品和超市行業(yè))，我認(rèn)為企業(yè)使用自助服務(wù)來減少他們的需要和對(duì)有償勞動(dòng)的依賴，同時(shí)保持整體的生產(chǎn)力和勞動(dòng)過程的效率。通過使收銀員和職員的一些工作自動(dòng)化和把其余部分轉(zhuǎn)移到消費(fèi)者，超市節(jié)省與勞動(dòng)相關(guān)的成本通過占用消費(fèi)者的勞

86、動(dòng)與價(jià)值。</p><p>　　但是，不清楚的是轉(zhuǎn)向自助服務(wù)將會(huì)如何影響那些食品工業(yè)，以及他們的就業(yè)需要和本性。引入自助服務(wù)器是會(huì)減少在食品行業(yè)對(duì)勞動(dòng)力的需求和需要，還是會(huì)簡單地轉(zhuǎn)換所需的工作類型?它將如何影響原有的就業(yè)，工人將如何看待這種變化?</p><p>　　同樣不清楚的是消費(fèi)者會(huì)如何應(yīng)對(duì)這種轉(zhuǎn)變，如果有的話，他們將扮演什么角色在決定采用這種做生意的新方法中。消費(fèi)者是會(huì)接受這項(xiàng)新技

87、術(shù)還是會(huì)堅(jiān)持他們做生意的傳統(tǒng)方式呢？他們?nèi)绾慰创炎灾?wù)器安裝在雜貨店和他們?nèi)绾螌⑺氖褂猛葡蛏鐣?huì)化？</p><p>　　在第1章的其余部分,我論述了在雜貨店和零售行業(yè)中的自助服務(wù)器的簡介和擴(kuò)展，,以及企業(yè)決定采用它們的理由。這是緊隨員工、企業(yè)和消費(fèi)者如何感知自助服務(wù)的轉(zhuǎn)換的討論之后的。</p><p>　　第二章(“文獻(xiàn)綜述”)在資本主義中連接自助服務(wù)的增長與人工勞動(dòng)問題，說明自助服

88、務(wù)如何適應(yīng)我們的服務(wù)驅(qū)動(dòng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的環(huán)境。審查在美國經(jīng)濟(jì)中重大結(jié)構(gòu)性變化，我描述了當(dāng)代問題涉及到工作的重組，以及在工作場所技術(shù)的使用和影響，引入自助式車道在一篇技術(shù)和工作得到確立的文獻(xiàn)中。另外,我在一個(gè)更大的關(guān)于“消費(fèi)文化”的文獻(xiàn)中找到自助服務(wù)的蹤跡，并解釋在消費(fèi)中如何變，,包括自助服務(wù)的趨勢，反映了在當(dāng)代資本主義中更廣泛的結(jié)構(gòu)性變化。本章也有三個(gè)核心問題，每個(gè)問題組成了后續(xù)章節(jié)的基礎(chǔ)。</p><p>　　在第三章(

89、“數(shù)據(jù)和方法”)，我解釋了為什么我相信超市行業(yè)如果不是一個(gè)理想的，也是一個(gè)有用的檢查自助服務(wù)轉(zhuǎn)換的案例研究，并且描述了抽樣和訪談方法。本章還包括一個(gè)存儲(chǔ)采樣的描述，各自客戶的人口統(tǒng)計(jì)和地理區(qū)域的研究。</p><p>　　第四章(“為什么采用自助售賣機(jī) ?”)是前三章詳細(xì)介紹這項(xiàng)研究的結(jié)果，關(guān)注三個(gè)主要的利益相關(guān)群體，企業(yè)、員工和消費(fèi)者——觀察自助售賣機(jī)的介紹。每個(gè)小組在解釋企業(yè)如何采用自助售賣機(jī)時(shí)都給了特別提醒

90、，以及他們關(guān)于競爭索賠的觀點(diǎn)和他們提供解釋企業(yè)采用的原因。</p><p>　　第五章(“自助售賣機(jī)在工作和就業(yè)方面的影響”)描述了自助售賣機(jī)如何影響食品零售行業(yè)的工作和就業(yè)模式。集中在就業(yè)、技能要求、工作質(zhì)量，我描述特定因素如何塑造自助售賣機(jī)在商店使用，并且在某些方面限制其經(jīng)濟(jì)效果。另外，我描述了更大的、外部的因素如何在塑造就業(yè)模式方面發(fā)揮作用。</p><p>　　第六章(“自助售賣機(jī)

91、對(duì)消費(fèi)者的影響”)以消費(fèi)者的態(tài)度和使用自助售賣機(jī)的經(jīng)歷為中心，并探討了涉及使用方面的各種要求。顧客在進(jìn)行付款交易時(shí)更偏向哪種方式，他們?cè)谑褂米灾圪u機(jī)時(shí)的經(jīng)驗(yàn)，以及這樣的經(jīng)歷相比于那些在傳統(tǒng)的收銀員收銀柜臺(tái)怎么樣，這些問題都要給予特殊的關(guān)注。</p><p>　　第七章結(jié)論(結(jié)論)總結(jié)了前三章的研究，以及對(duì)現(xiàn)有文獻(xiàn)的貢獻(xiàn)，并探討關(guān)于自助售賣機(jī)的社會(huì)和經(jīng)濟(jì)影響的未來問題。這一章以討論自助服務(wù)可能如何重組企業(yè)、員工和