漢語言相關(guān)外文翻譯--就句法和語義兩方面對(duì)漢語“連...也都”句型的研究

1、<p>　　中文1778字，英文1250單詞</p><p>　　畢業(yè)論文外文文獻(xiàn)翻譯</p><p>　　譯文：就句法和語義兩方面對(duì)漢語“連...也/都”句型的研究</p><p>　　Some aspects of the syntax and semantics of the "lián...ye/dou" constr

2、uction in Mandarin</p><p>　　Marie-Claude Paris</p><p>　　Before analyzing the semantics of the lián...yě/dōu construction, it is first important to determine the role of yě and dōu, because

3、yě and dōu can never be deleted whereas lián can. Since the constituent that follows lián bears the major stress, a spoken utterance containing such a stressed constituent together with yě or dōu will be unders

4、tood as containing the quasi-quantifier lián. In writing, lián helps disambiguate between the different readings of yě and dōu.</p><p>　　The semantics of yě and dōu constitute the subject matter of

5、 the following section. </p><p>　　1. The operators yě and dōu </p><p>　　Both yě and dōu have a quantificational and modal value. </p><p>　　1.1 Quantificational values </p>

6、;<p>　　Yě is a marker of addition.In saying (112) the speaker asserts that Li Si came and presupposes that somebody else came. </p><p><b>　　(112) </b></p><p>　　Li Si also

7、 come S.M. </p><p>　　Li Si also/too came </p><p>　　he O.M. that Cl. book all read S.M. </p><p>　　he read the whole book </p><p>　　we all go S.M. Un

8、ited States </p><p>　　we all went to the United States </p><p><b>　　(115) </b></p><p>　　whoever all Neg. open mouth </p><p>　　Nobody said a

9、 word </p><p>　　Because examples like (114) are the most frequent ones,dōu has sometimes been misleadingly called a plural marker.Dōu scans all the elements of a set ; in that sense it is a conjunction ma

10、rker.If women ('we') stands for two persons : x and y(114) can be written as : Assertion : Q (x) & Q(y) </p><p>　　Zhang San come S. M. Li Si also come S. M. </p><p>　　Zhan

11、g San came and Li Si also came</p><p><b>　　(117) </b></p><p>　　Zhang San and Li Si all come S. M. </p><p>　　both Zhang San and Li Si came </p&

12、gt;<p>　　Both yě and dōu are quantifiers/conjunctions which are predicated of propositions, not of NPs, as seen in (118) and (119). </p><p><b>　　(118) </b></p><p>　　yest

13、erday Zhang San and Mary unite S.M. marriage </p><p>　　yesterday Zhang San and Mary got married </p><p><b>　　(119) * </b></p><p>　　yesterday Zhang San

14、 and Mary all unite S.M. marriage </p><p>　　yě and dōu do not co-occur with conjoined subjects of symmetric predicates.As shown by J.McCawley (1973: 307) "conjoined constituents in surface structur

15、e have exactly two sources in semantic structure; sentential conjunction and description of sets by enumeration". yě and dōu, as opposed to gēn ('and'), hé ('and') and tóng (

16、'and'), are operators predicated of propositions. This explains why they cannot commute with conjunctions that only conjoins NPs, cf. (96) above.</p><p>　　It is because yě and dōu are the surface ma

17、nifestations of the same underlying logical operator that they are mutually substitutable when they co-occur with quantifiers having the semantic force of universal quantification. (18) Such quantifiers can be indefinit

18、e pronouns or adjectives like('whoever'),('whatever'), conjunctions like ('whatever') ,('whatever'), adverbials like('all'),('always'), etc. </p&g

19、t;<p>　　1. 2 Modal values </p><p>　　The modal values of yě and dōu (see V. Alleton, 1972: 81-83 and 67-69) can be explained along the same lines. Dōu commutes with ('already') and yě with kě

20、 ('indeed'). Both can be described by means of the adversative conjunction ('but'). yě and dōu conjoin two propositions P and Q, such that the negation operator applies to one of them. In saying "P

21、 but Q", the speaker asserts P and Q. At the same time, he expresses his surprise at Q, e.g. he expected Q. For instance, in saying (120) the s</p><p>　　(120) (13216) </p><p>　　you N.Z.

22、 overcoat all wet F.P. </p><p>　　your overcoat is already wet</p><p>　　In a similar fashion, (121) asserts that Hankou and Hanyang surrendered while conveying that the speaker wished t

23、hey had not .</p><p>　　Neg. arrive a few day Hankou and Hanyang also then fall a few days later Hankou and Hanyang did surrender come F.P. </p><p>　　Informally, the modal va

24、lues of yě and dōu can be glossed as follows : Dōu : at the time of the event To the speaker expects not P, but asserts P. </p><p>　　The semantics of lián...yě/dōu </p><p>　　The semantics

25、of 'even' constructions have been widely studied recently, A sentence like (122) is analysed as follows:</p><p><b>　　(122) </b></p><p>　　even Mary also come see Zhang

26、San </p><p>　　even Mary came to see Zhang San </p><p>　　Assertion:Mary came to see Zhang San </p><p>　　Presupposition: (a) other people came to see Zhang San </p>

27、;<p>　　(b) the probability that Mary rather than anyone else would come to see Zhang San was the lowest one. </p><p>　　Such an analysis of the presuppositions of the 'even' construction ma

28、kes clear that the operations of conjunction in (a) and of scanning together with negation in (b) are at work. The role of lián consists in picking out of a class of elements that are scanned by yě and dōu one (

29、or more) element(s) which has/have the least probability of possessing the property predicated of the whole class and in asserting that this/these element(s) also possess(es) this property. To the class of ele<

30、/p><p>　　This semantic analysis of lián...yě/dōu also accounts for its syntax. I noted above both that the object NP has to be preposed when marked by lián...yě/dōu and that when an object NP fa

31、lls in the scope of yě/dōu, it has to be preposed (see (107) and (110) above). The obligatory antepo-sition of an object NP preceded by lián is not an idiosyncratic property of the quasi-quantifier lián. It can

32、 be ascribed to a more general constrainton word order in Mandarin which forbids the presence in po</p><p>　　The analysis just given, however, fails to account for negative sentences, as mentioned in (86)

33、 and (102) above or in (123) and (124) below. </p><p><b>　　(123) </b></p><p>　　he even one point work all Neg. make </p><p>　　he didn't do anything/he di

34、dn't even work a little </p><p><b>　　(124) </b></p><p>　　he even one sip wine all Neg. drink </p><p>　　he didn't drink any wine/ he didn't

35、 even drink a sip of wine </p><p>　　Namely, (123) and (124) and their counterparts without lián (i.e. (125) and (126) where the object NP is in postverbal position do not have the same meaning -

36、provided they are acceptable. (123) and (124) do not assert (125) and (126) respectively. </p><p><b>　　(125) </b></p><p>　　he Neg. make one point work </p><p>　　h

37、e didn't do a bit of work </p><p><b>　　(126) </b></p><p>　　he Neg. drink one sip wine </p><p>　　he didn't drink a sip of wine </p><

38、;p>　　Such examples can be taken care of by G. Fauconnier' s "pragmatic scales" (1975 : 193). Using the notion of (pragmatic) implication and its property (contraposition), G. Fauconnier has shown how ma

39、ny apparently unrelated linguistic phenomena can be explained by the "scalar principle". </p><p><b>　　(127) </b></p><p>　　he any wine all Neg. drink <

40、/p><p>　　he didn't drink any wine </p><p>　　In summary, the obligatory preverbal position of the object NP with lián...yě/dōu can be ascribed to a general characteristic of word

41、 order in Mandarin. Whenever a whole class of elements functionning as object NP is scanned, the NP is preposed. This all the more true when a sentence contains a negative marker. Thus (127) evidences the only

42、 possible word order associated with such a meaning. Since the two operations of scanning (conjunction) and negation (the speaker has a n</p><p>　　From: Marie-Claude PARIS C.N.R.S. - D.R.L. (Paris VII)

43、</p><p>　　就句法和語義兩方面對(duì)漢語“連...也/都”句型的研究</p><p>　　瑪麗-克勞迪 帕里斯</p><p>　　在分析“連...也/都”句型之前，首先要認(rèn)清“也”和“都”在句子中的扮演的角色，因?yàn)椤斑B”這一句子成分是可以刪除的，而“也”和“都”絕對(duì)不行。在下面的幾個(gè)例句結(jié)構(gòu)中，“連”推動(dòng)了句子的主要意義。在口語中，包括了“也”和“都”的主要

44、意義部分被認(rèn)為是包括了被量化的“連”。在書寫時(shí)，“連”有助于消除“也”和“都”之間不同的閱讀歧義。</p><p>　　“也”和“都”的主題構(gòu)成了以下章節(jié)的主題。</p><p>　　“也”和“都”的形式</p><p>　　“也”和“都”都有有量化和語義價(jià)值。</p><p><b>　　1.1定量值</b></

45、p><p>　　“也”是附加值的標(biāo)志。在例句（112）中，說話者認(rèn)為李四來了的同時(shí)別人也來了。</p><p><b>　　(112) </b></p><p>　　李四來了，別人也來了。</p><p><b>　?。?13）</b></p><p>　　他把整本書都讀完了。&

46、lt;/p><p><b>　　(114)</b></p><p><b>　　我們都去過美國(guó)。</b></p><p><b>　?。?15）</b></p><p><b>　　沒有人說話。</b></p><p>　　就像例句（1

47、14）是最常見的，復(fù)數(shù)標(biāo)記“都”有時(shí)候被省略。在“都”包括了句子中所有的情況下，我們稱“都”為結(jié)合標(biāo)記。如果“我們”代表兩個(gè)人：X和Y，（114）可以寫成Q (x) 和 Q(y) 。</p><p><b>　　（116）</b></p><p>　　張三來了，李四也來了。</p><p><b>　　（117）</b>&

48、lt;/p><p><b>　　張三和李四都來了。</b></p><p>　　“也”和“都”都可作為說話語境在前提情況的量詞和連詞，例句（118）和（119）可以證明這一點(diǎn)。</p><p><b>　　（118）</b></p><p>　　昨天張三跟瑪麗結(jié)了婚。</p><p&

49、gt;<b>　?。?19）</b></p><p>　　昨天張三跟瑪麗都結(jié)婚了。</p><p>　　“也”和“都”與對(duì)應(yīng)的謂語不是同一個(gè)主語。J·麥考利（1973）認(rèn)為：“連體成分的表面結(jié)構(gòu)有兩個(gè)來源的語義結(jié)構(gòu)，句子的連詞和描述是通過枚舉法來表現(xiàn)的?！薄耙病焙汀岸肌迸c“跟”、“和”、“同”相比，是說話者確定命題的前提基礎(chǔ)。這就揭示了它們?yōu)槭裁床荒芙舆B詞，

50、只能和名詞或名詞性短語結(jié)合。正因?yàn)椤耙病焙汀岸肌钡谋砻姹憩F(xiàn)擁有相同的基本邏輯，所以在出現(xiàn)具有普遍量化語義力的共同量詞時(shí)，它們可以互相代替。這樣的量詞可以是不定代詞或形容詞，例如“誰”、“什么”；連詞，例如“不管”、“無論”；副詞，例如“全”、“永遠(yuǎn)”等等。</p><p><b>　　1. 2 語義價(jià)值</b></p><p>　　“也”和“都”的語義價(jià)值（詳見V.阿

51、勒東，1972: 81-83和 67-69），進(jìn)行了詳盡的解釋?！岸肌贝妗耙呀?jīng)”，“也“代替”“可”。兩者都可以用轉(zhuǎn)折連詞“但是”表示?！耙病焙汀岸肌北硎綪和Q兩個(gè)命題，這樣來說否定形式也屬于其中之一。在句子“P，但是Q”中，說話者提到了P和Q命題，同時(shí)表達(dá)了說話者對(duì)Q命題的驚訝。例如在例句（120）中，說話者想要表達(dá)的意思是：在說話的時(shí)候大衣已經(jīng)濕了，同時(shí)表達(dá)的信息是說話者不想讓大衣濕掉。</p><p>&

52、lt;b>　　(120)</b></p><p><b>　　您的大衣都淋濕了。</b></p><p>　　不到幾天，漢口和漢陽也都被攻占下來了。</p><p>　　在非正式的情況下，“也”和“都”的語義價(jià)值可以被解釋為：“都”說話者希望事件為非P，但語言表述為P。</p><p>　　2.“連..

53、.也/都”的語義分析</p><p>　　近來，“甚至”結(jié)構(gòu)的語義已被廣泛研究，例句（122）做了如下分析：</p><p><b>　?。?22）</b></p><p><b>　　連瑪麗也來看張三。</b></p><p>　　明確肯定：瑪麗來看張三。</p><p>

54、　　預(yù)測(cè)：(a)其他人來看張三。</p><p>　　(b)瑪麗來看張三的概率最小。</p><p>　　這種對(duì)“甚至”結(jié)構(gòu)的預(yù)測(cè)分析，明確了（a)句中的聯(lián)合形式，檢查并否定了（b）句中的意義。“連”的作用包含：挑選出一類由“也”和“都”篩選過的語素，這些語素具有預(yù)測(cè)屬性；“連”的作用還包括確定這個(gè)或這些語素是否具有該屬性。這些語素作為被參考的類別，不能做為具有相同的屬性語素的參考類。&l

55、t;/p><p>　　這種對(duì)“連...也/都”的語義分析也適用于它的句法。我上面提到兩個(gè)對(duì)象，當(dāng)名詞或名詞性短語在“也”和“都”的范圍之外時(shí)，名詞或名詞性短語前置，這是由漢語語序決定的。</p><p>　　但是，以上分析不能解釋上述（86），（102）和以下的（123），（124）的否定句。</p><p><b>　?。?23）</b><

56、/p><p>　　他連一點(diǎn)工作都沒做。</p><p><b>　?。?24）</b></p><p>　　他一點(diǎn)酒都沒喝/他一口酒都沒有喝。</p><p>　　也就是說，例句（123）和（124）動(dòng)詞后面的名詞或名詞性短語沒有“連”，意思也不同，（123）和（124）不能證明（125）和（126）。</p>

57、<p><b>　?。?25）</b></p><p><b>　　他沒做一點(diǎn)工作。</b></p><p><b>　　（126）</b></p><p><b>　　他沒喝一口酒。</b></p><p>　　這樣的例子可以被用來證明G.福

58、科尼耶的“語用尺度”理論（1975）。G.福科尼耶利用實(shí)際概念的含義和對(duì)立屬性進(jìn)行闡述，證明了許多看似無關(guān)的語言現(xiàn)象可以用“標(biāo)量原理”解釋。</p><p><b>　?。?27）</b></p><p><b>　　他沒有喝一點(diǎn)酒。</b></p><p>　　總而言之，“連...也/都”句子中，名詞或名詞性短語前置是強(qiáng)

59、制性的，這是由漢語語序的一般特征決定的。每當(dāng)一類的語素作為主要對(duì)象時(shí)，名詞或名詞性短語的位置都是前置的，當(dāng)一個(gè)句子包含一個(gè)否定的標(biāo)記時(shí)更是如此。所以 (127) 表明的是與名詞或名詞性短語的位置這種現(xiàn)象相關(guān)且唯一可能的詞序。因?yàn)閮煞N形式檢驗(yàn)（連詞）和否定（說話者具有消極期望）在“連...也/都”句型中發(fā)揮作用。所以包含普遍的量化語素的否定句的句法特點(diǎn)，在“連...也/都”能被找到。</p><p>　　論文出自：