外文翻譯---文化旅游研究（節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　1500單詞，8700英文字符，2400單詞</p><p>　　出處：Medina L K. Commoditizing culture : Tourism and Maya Identity[J]. Annals of Tourism Research, 2003, 30(2):353-368.</p><p><b>　　原文 </b>&l

2、t;/p><p>　　Commoditizing culture: Tourism and Maya Identity</p><p>　　Laurie Medina</p><p><b>　　Abstract </b></p><p>　　This ethnographic study examined how the

3、commoditization of culture for tourism affected traditional practices in a formerly Maya village adjacent to the most-visited Mayan ruins in Belize. Though the majority of villagers had abandoned this indigenous identity

4、, they responded to the tourism demand for representations of an essentialized Mayan culture by utilizing new channels to access traditions they could no longer learn through old ways: they turned to the publications of

5、archaeologists and </p><p>　　Keywords: culture; commoditization; identity; Maya; Belize </p><p>　　INTRODUCTION </p><p>　　One school of thought in tourism studies has argued that the

6、 commoditization of culture for consumption renders the resulting practices inauthentic. This position distinguishes between traditions which persist in relative isolation from market forces, and practices elaborated spe

7、cifically for the tourism market. Against this perspective, other scholars have asserted that such transactions between tourists and “tourees” generate new cultural configurations which are both meaningful and authentic

8、</p><p>　　Early studies suggested that touristic commoditization—the offering of cultural products and practices for money—results in the emergence of a culture distinct from the traditional practice of “tou

9、rees” and less authentic by virtue of being both “staged” and a commodity. MacCannell (1976) suggests that tourists are largely motivated by a “quest for authenticity,” which is fundamentally a search for cultural differ

10、ence. Tourists interpret such difference as an indicator of less contamination by c</p><p>　　TOURISM, CULTURE AND IDENTITY </p><p>　　If there were such a thing as a “typical Maya village”’ San J

11、ose Succotz would certainly not be it. A village of some 1,400 people in western Belize, Succotz is linked to “Mayaness” in two ways: through proximity to the ruins of an ancient Maya city that has become a popular touri

12、sm attraction; and through the ancestry, culture, and identities of its contemporary residents. If the former connection provides an important source of income for the village, the latter connection is characterized by &

13、lt;/p><p>　　This article is based on ethnographic research undertaken in Succotz during the summer of 1999, combined with archival sources. The ethnographic research included a survey of 25% of the household, i

14、n which an adult member of every fourth unit was surveyed, working up and down both sides of each street in the village. This resulted in a total of 73 surveys, which elicited information about household size and composi

15、tion, languages spoken in the household, their ethnic affiliations, factors consid</p><p>　　This survey was complemented by longer, semi-structured interviews with 15 Succotzeños employed in tourism. Th

16、is sample, developed by asking villagers to name individuals or families working in tourism, included most tour guides (6), all pottery-making households (5), slate carving households (2), and owners of tourist accommoda

17、tions (2). These interviews explored each individual’s history in tourism work, the development of the knowledge required for that work, their assessments of “what touris</p><p>　　Ambiguous Identities in Suc

18、cotz </p><p>　　Succotz is located just across the Mopan River from Xunantunich, the ruins of an ancient Mayan city that is now Belize’s most-visited archaeological site. Both Succotz and Xunantunich are adja

19、cent to the Western Highway, making them readily accessible to tourism. During the year this research was conducted, 27,614 tourists visited Xunantunich. However, because Xunantunich is primarily a ‘day trip’ for tourist

20、s staying at resorts throughout Belize or for cruiseship passengers, few tourists stayed</p><p>　　Beyond its proximity to the ruins, Succotz has a Mayan past of its own: during the 19th and into the 20thcent

21、ury, the village was described as an “Indian” community populated by Mopan and Yucatec Maya with origins in the Guatemalan Peten and the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico. The earliest ethnographic research on Succotz reported

22、 that primicias (traditional Maya rituals), formed an integral part of the community’s agricultural cycle ( Thompson 1930:114). These rituals reflected the core cosmologic</p><p>　　Tourism and Maya Culture i

23、n Succotz </p><p>　　However, tourism may present new possibilities for Succotzeños to claim or reclaim Maya identity and culture. Tourists visit to Succotz specifically to experience Xunantunich. As Cas

24、tañeda (1996) suggests, the publications of Mayanist archaeologists (together with the publications of tourism promoters) have generated interest in the ancient Maya among North Americans and Europeans. Archaeologis

25、ts’ work at Xunantunich has made this site available for tourism; simultaneously, archaeologists’ enthu</p><p><b>　　譯文 </b></p><p><b>　　瑪雅的文化旅游研究</b></p><p>

26、<b>　　洛瑞·瑪?shù)倌?lt;/b></p><p><b>　　摘要 </b></p><p>　　民族學研究探討了旅游文化的商品化是如何影響瑪雅的古村落的游客訪問量，該村落毗鄰伯利茲最大的瑪雅遺址。雖然當?shù)氐拇蟛糠值拇迕褚呀?jīng)放棄了這個土著身份，但是他們這一地區(qū)旅游項目的開發(fā)表示了自己的想法，即通過旅游開發(fā)，讓傳統(tǒng)的古老瑪雅文化有一個新的

27、渠道，可以被外界所了解，通過游客宣傳這一地區(qū)的瑪雅文化，并且也為村民自己提供了一個學習自己民族古文化的途徑?，F(xiàn)在，他們通過專家學者們的出版物來研究古代瑪雅。隨著村民們對他們祖先的傳統(tǒng)文化的掌握，不斷增加了其專業(yè)知識。 </p><p>　　關鍵詞:文化;商品化;身份;瑪雅;伯利茲城 </p><p><b>　　引言 </b></p><p>

28、　　一個學術理論認為，文化的商品化消費呈現(xiàn)的實踐結果是不真實的。這一見解，將堅持文化和市場經(jīng)濟相對隔離的傳統(tǒng)觀點和堅持文化與旅游市場是密切聯(lián)系的這兩種觀點區(qū)分開來。與這一視角不同的是，其他學者宣稱，這種游客與景區(qū)商戶之間的交易以及商品中蘊含的文化對參與者來說都是有意義的并且是真實的。本文闡述了與這兩種觀點不同的第三種見解:即通過旅游文化的商品化，有可能會為人們提供一個新的渠道來認識到非常古老的傳統(tǒng)瑪雅文化。源于伯利茲西部的古村落曾經(jīng)是瑪

29、雅村落的這種可能性，本文涉及到社會科學方面的兩種觀點:探索如何將傳統(tǒng)瑪雅文化的旅游開發(fā)與現(xiàn)代的瑪雅研究結合起來，而“實用主義學科”則定義了它的連續(xù)性，堅持從殖民時代到現(xiàn)在的跨世紀研究。 </p><p>　　早期的研究表明，旅游文化產(chǎn)品的商品化在很早之前就已經(jīng)有了，比如以前所說的“圖雷”等商品。麥肯奈爾(1976)的研究表明，游客在很大程度上是出于“追求真實性,”從根本上尋找不同的文化差異。游客將之解釋為這種差異

30、在于，古村落的這種旅游文化，是目前受當代資本主義影響比較少的，最大化地保留了其真實性和純樸性，從而更真實性都反映了人與人之間和人與自然之間的關系，這就是游客們所追求的。這種觀點認為，旅游文化的外在性表現(xiàn), 麥肯奈爾認為， 其真實性不是通過游客和商品交易表現(xiàn)出來的。格林伍德(1977)也贊同這一假設，聲稱商品化改變了文化產(chǎn)品的意義，他們最終成為毫無意義的生產(chǎn)者。結論是文化產(chǎn)品的商品化導致難以真實地呈現(xiàn)出當?shù)氐奈幕?</p>

31、<p><b>　　旅游、文化和身份 </b></p><p>　　如果確實有這樣的一個“典型的瑪雅村落”，但是圣何塞肯定不是。在伯利茲西部一個約 1400 人的村落，Succotz 與“Mayaness”聯(lián)系在一起，主要通過兩個方面:一是它比較接近古代瑪雅城市的遺址，并且由于其祖先、文化和當代居民的身份，這里已經(jīng)成為一個很受歡迎的旅游景點。 </p><p&

32、gt;　　本文基于人類學的研究，主要是 1999 年的夏天對 Succotz 地區(qū)進行的研究。人種學研究包括對 25%的當?shù)丶彝サ囊豁椪{查，對村子的村民們進行訪談，總共訪談了 73 人，向他們了解關于家庭的大小和構成的信息、使用的語言、他們的民族關系、受訪者認為決定他們的民族標識的因素、以及家里成年成員說的語言。此外，就是家庭收入來源的相關信息。 </p><p>　　這個調查是輔以長、半結構化的訪談，訪談對象是

33、 15 位從事當?shù)芈糜蔚漠數(shù)卮迕瘛Ｆ渲?，?6 名村民是導游、有 5 位家里是制陶的商家、有 2 人是石板雕刻商家和旅游住宿的商家 2 人。這些訪談探索了從事旅游工作，這些年來每個人所經(jīng)歷的過程，以及他們所需要的知識，他們對“游客想要什么”的看法，他們的民族特征，以及這些身份特征與其在旅游業(yè)工作之間的聯(lián)系。 </p><p>　　Succotz 村落的不明確的特征 </p><p>　　S

34、uccotz 村落就位于莫盤河的對面，一個古老的瑪雅遺址，現(xiàn)在是伯利茲地區(qū)最熱門的考古遺址，也是一個古村落。Succotz 村落和 修南圖內奇的西部高速公路相鄰，使得游客們很容易就能到達旅游景區(qū)。在今年，我們開展了這項研究，共有 27614 名游客參觀了 修南圖內奇。然而，由于 修南圖內奇主要是“一日游”，因此，游客就都住在伯利茲的度假村，一些游客住在村里。根據(jù)對 Succotz 村的家庭調查報告，當?shù)卮迕褚驗檫@獲得的收入占旅游收入的

35、12%。 </p><p>　　除了離廢墟比較近外，Succotz 村有著瑪雅的過去:在 19 世紀和 20 世紀，村莊被形容為一個“印度”社區(qū)，里面居住著磨盤和尤卡坦人，他們起源于危地馬拉和墨西哥的尤卡坦半島。最早的關于 Succotz 村落的民族志研究報道，primicias(傳統(tǒng)的瑪雅儀式)，農(nóng)業(yè)活動經(jīng)常需要用到，是當?shù)匚幕牟豢煞指畹?一部分 (湯普森 1930:114)。學者們的研究發(fā)現(xiàn)，他們認為這些儀

36、式反映了宇宙核心原則，連接著人類、自然、祖先,和神圣的力量。然而，在當代的 Succotz 村落，只有 20%的居民仍然在從事農(nóng)業(yè)活動，工資勞動已經(jīng)成為占據(jù)主導地位的經(jīng)濟活動。村民被集成到區(qū)域和國家經(jīng)濟的發(fā)展中，便捷的交通位置使他們更容易獲得工作。自從當?shù)厝嗽诠ぷ髦械募寄埽?1%的受訪家庭成員都是工作領域的上班一族。Succotz 地區(qū)的農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)相對衰落，導致傳統(tǒng)的瑪雅儀式的減少。 </p><p>　　旅游和瑪

37、雅文化在 Succotz 古村落 </p><p>　　不管怎么說，由于當?shù)氐奈幕厣?，當?shù)氐穆糜螛I(yè)可能出現(xiàn)新的發(fā)展可能性。游客們去 Succotz 村落旅游，特別是 會專門去修南圖內奇?？ㄋ顾_(1996)的研究表明, 考古學家(連同旅游推廣者的出版物)對北美和歐洲古代瑪雅人及其文化產(chǎn)生了濃厚的興趣?？脊艑W家在 修南圖內奇地區(qū) 進行工作，這也使得當?shù)爻蔀橐粋€旅游景點。與此同時，考古學家對瑪雅文化的熱情，也增加

38、了人們對古代瑪雅知識尊重，當?shù)芈糜螛I(yè)的發(fā)展也促進了當?shù)氐木蜆I(yè)。 旅游業(yè)對修南圖內奇有更廣泛的深層次的影響:為游客們展示了古代瑪雅文化，并通過其生產(chǎn)的商品，來反映當?shù)氐奈幕瑢θ藗儗Ξ數(shù)匚幕膬r值認可有積極的作。村民們認識到這個事實后，他們會經(jīng)常在游客面前提到并展示他們的巨大的 “瑪雅”文化價值。例如，一個導游解釋說,她會用英語和瑪雅語言進行解說:“我在瑪雅能分享我所能，因為游客們正在尋找什么是瑪雅人的天才”。另一個導游則對瑪雅文化不感興