外文翻譯--對全球價值鏈的投入如何影響產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的升級(節(jié)選）

1、<p>　　2900單詞，1.7萬英文字符，4900漢字</p><p>　　本科畢業(yè)論文外文翻譯</p><p>　　外文題目： How does insertion in global value chains affect upgrading in industrial clusters? </p><p>　

2、　出 處： John Humphrey, Hubert Schmitz. How does insertion in global value chains affect upgrading in industrial clusters?[J]. Regional Studies, 2010, 36(9): 1017-1027. </p><p>　　作 者： John H

3、umphrey and Hubert Schmitz </p><p>　　What is the scope for local upgrading strategies where producers operate in global value chains? The literature on industrial clusters emp

4、hasises the role of inter-firm co-operation and local institutions in enabling upgrading. The value chain literature focuses on the role of global buyers and chain governance in defining upgrading opportunities. This p

5、aper argues that clusters are inserted into global value chains in different ways, and that this has consequences for enabling or disabling lo</p><p>　　Keywords: clusters, value chains, competitiveness,

6、 upgrading, developing countries </p><p>　　1 Introduction</p><p>　　Firms in developing countries, in common with firms everywhere, are under pressure to improve their performance and increase th

7、eir competitiveness. New, low-cost producers are entering global markets, intensifying competition in markets for labour-intensive manufactures. How can firms in developing countries respond to this type of challenge whi

8、le at the same time maintaining returns to both labour and capital from engaging in trade? The literature on competitiveness suggests that the most viabl</p><p>　　Several schools of thought have emphasised t

9、he local determinants of competitiveness, including the‘new economic geography’, business studies, regional science and innovation studies. Not only is some of this literature optimistic about the possibility of strength

10、ening competitiveness through local or regional industrial policy (e.g. COOKE and MORGAN, 1998; PYKE, 1992), but it has also been argued that in a globalising economy the only enduring basis for competitive advantage wi

11、ll be localised </p><p>　　How can these two literatures be reconciled? One emphasises the importance of local linkages and the other global linkages. Clearly there is a need to bring these two perspectives t

12、ogether, particularly in the case of export oriented clusters that are inserted into global value chains. This paper provides a means of doing this.</p><p>　　The question which drives this paper is how inser

13、tion into global value chains affects local upgrading strategies. In order to answer this question we distinguish between different types of upgrading and different types of chains. For the latter, we focus on the way t

14、he chain is co-ordinated.The paper suggests that there is a continuum from arm's-length market relationships through to hierarchical governance (vertical integration). In between, there are two particularly important

15、 types of co- o</p><p>　　We came to this question through our research on clusters in developing countries where producers found themselves in asymmetrical relationships with their customers. These producers

16、 were facing powerful global buyers who had a major influence not just on sales but also on the type of upgrading strategies open to them. Since then, we found that this issue is not confined to developing country cluste

17、rs. Rabellotti (2001) finds a similar problem facing shoe producers in Italy.</p><p>　　Why is there a problem? Why is it important to ask how insertion into global value chains affects upgrading in the clus

18、ter? Both the cluster literature and the global value chain research emphasise that interaction is central to upgrading, but one gives prime importance to the interaction with local firms and institutions and the other

19、accords prime importance to the interaction with the global buyers. If this was just a matter of different emphases it would be easy to bring together the two ap</p><p>　　This paper is divided into three fur

20、ther sections.Section 2 discusses the treatment of upgrading in the cluster and value chain literatures. Section 3 distinguishes between different forms of governance in global value chains and analyses why they arise. S

21、ection 4 considers how the different types of global value chains affect the upgrading in industrial clusters, paying particularly attention to how relationships and upgrading prospects change over time.</p><

22、p>　　2 Upgrading in clusters and value chains</p><p>　　With the deepening integration of developing countries into global markets, firms in these countries face increasing competitive pressure.For producer

23、s to maintain or increase incomes in the face of this pressure, they must either increase the skill content of their activities and/or move into market niches which have entry barriers and are therefore insulated to some

24、 extent from these pressures. We refer to such shifts in activities as upgrading.</p><p>　　Both the cluster and value chain approaches emphasise the importance of upgrading in order to face increasing compet

25、ition in global markets. Similarly, both emphasise the role played by governance in upgrading, using the term governance to denote co-ordination of economic activities through non- market relationships.Governance is par

26、ticularly important for the generation, transfer and diffusion of knowledge leading to innovation, which enables firms to improve their performance. However, the </p><p>　　The importance of local governanc

27、e as a source of competitiveness has been particularly stressed in two lines of recent work: regional science (and in particular the industrial district literature) and innovation studies.These two bodies of work both c

28、onsider market dynamics insufficient to achieve competitiveness via the high road, i.e. through upgrading. In the industrial district literature, the experience of the "Third Italy" and other European experienc

29、es gave rise (in the late 1980s/early</p><p>　　The importance of local policy networks is also central to the work on local innovation systems. In the 1990s, the literature concerned with technological devel

30、opment moved from a focus on the individual firm and a strong distinction between innovation and diffusion towards a greater concern with learning-by-interaction (LUNDVALL, 1993), leading then to the studies of innovati

31、on systems, first at the national then increasingly at the regional and local level (e.g. FREEMAN, 1995; EDQUIST, 1997;</p><p>　　This view of industrial district relationships as internally complex but exte

32、rnally simple goes back to Alfred Marshall:</p><p>　　"In his original formulation of the industrial district, Marshall envisioned a region where the business structure is comprised of small, locally ow

33、ned firms that make investment and production decisions locally....Within the district, substantial trade is transacted between buyers and sellers, often entailing long-term contracts or commitments. Although Marshall di

34、d not explicitly say so, linkages and/or co-operation with firms outside the district is assumed to be minimal" (MARKUSEN, 1996: 2</p><p>　　Contemporary studies, recognise the importance of external re

35、lationships, especially where these clusters are export oriented, but the nature of the relationship is characterised explicitly or implicitly as arm's-length. In particular, the extensive literature on Italian indus

36、trial districts (see, for example, PYKE et al., 1990; PYKE and SENGENBERGER, 1992; COSSENTINO et al., 1996) tends to characterise these districts as containing the full range of activities required to produce finished pr

37、odu</p><p>　　Both the cluster and the local innovation system approaches have been used to analyse local industrial development in developing countries (CASSIOLATO and LASTRES, 2000; NADVI, 1999; RABELLOTTI

38、, 1997; SCHMITZ, 1995a).Their application has been characterised by the concentration on the interaction between local firms and with local institutions. Upgrading is seen as being driven largely by firms and instituti

39、ons within the cluster. In contrast, relationships with the external world are given m</p><p>　　The literature on global value chains takes a very different view of inter-firm linkages. It is also concerned

40、with upgrading but the knowledge required for it flows through the chain.Particular attention has been given to the role of powerful lead firms that ‘undertake the functional integration and co-ordination of internationa

41、lly dispersed activities’ (GEREFFI, 1999: 41) and to governance structures, defined by Gereffi as 'authority and power relationships that determine how financial, materi</p><p>　　Global value chain analy

42、sis emphasises that local producers learn a great deal from global buyers about how to improve their production processes, attain consistent and high quality, and increase the speed of response.This upgrading effect is p

43、articularly significant for local producers new to the global market (KEESING and LALL, 1992; PIORE and RUIZ DURÁN, 1998; SCHMITZ and KNORRINGA, 2000).There is also scope for product upgrading.Gereffi attributes t

44、his to ‘organisational succession’, a pro</p><p>　　3 Value chain governance</p><p>　　Global value chain analysis is concerned with how global production and distribution systems are organised

45、. These involve recurrent transactions between various firms. How such transactions might be organised has been addressed by transaction costs economics (see, for example, WILLIAMSON, 1975; WILLIAMSON, 1979). In situatio

46、ns characterised by uncertainty, bounded rationality (information may not be available, or only acquired at a certain cost) and differences of interest between economic agent</p><p>　　What is to be produced.

47、 This involves the design of products, both in broad conception and detailed specifications.</p><p>　　How it is to be produced. This involves the definition of production processes, which can include element

48、s such as the technology to be used, quality systems, labour standards and environmental standards.</p><p>　　Physical product flow: how much is to be produced, when, and how the flow of product along the cha

49、in is to be handled.</p><p>　　The transaction costs literature identifies market and hierarchy as two common co-ordination arrangements. Markets are particularly effective for standard products. Co-ordinatio

50、n requirements between different points in the chain are low, valuation of the product and monitoring of supplier performance is relatively easy, and economies of scale are likely to be significant. Buyer and supplier ma

51、intain arm’s length market relations. This implies that the product is (a) standard, or can be customis</p><p>　　Transaction costs theory has been used to explain decisions to make in-house or to outsource.

52、In the international context, it can be used to account for decisions about arm's-length purchasing from overseas companies as opposed to foreign direct investment. However, value chain studies have highlighted the r

53、ole of global buyers in creating global production and marketing networks. In extreme cases, large retailers or brand-name companies organise production systems that integrate producers in v</p><p>　　4 Va

54、lue chain relationships and upgrading in clusters</p><p>　　The analysis presented in section 3 suggests that four types of relationships can be distinguished in value chains:</p><p>　　Arm’s leng

55、th market relations. Buyer and supplier do not develop close relationships. This implies that the supplier has the capacity to produce the product the buyer wants, and also that the buyer's requirements (including qu

56、ality, reliability, etc.) could be met by a range of firms. The product should be standard or easily customised and any process requirements can be met by non-transaction specific standards of the sort verified by indepe

57、ndent certification.</p><p>　　Networks. Firms co-operate in a more information-intensive relationship, frequently dividing essential value chain competences between them. The relationship is characterised by

58、 reciprocal dependence.8 In this case, the buyer may specify certain product performance standards or process standards to be attained, but should be confident that supplier can meet them.</p><p>　　Quasi hie

59、rarchy. One firm exercises a high degree of control over other firms in the chain, frequently specifying the characteristics of the product be produced, and sometimes specifying the processes to be followed and the contr

60、ol mechanisms to be enforced. This level of control can arise not only from the lead firm's role in defining the product, but also from the buyer's perceived risk of losses from the suppliers’ performance failure

61、s. In other words, there are some doubts about the competen</p><p>　　Hierarchy. The lead firm takes direct ownership of some operations in the chain.</p><p><b>　　譯 文：</b></p>

62、<p>　　對全球價值鏈的投入如何影響產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的升級</p><p>　　當生產(chǎn)者在全球價值鏈經(jīng)營時, 本地升級戰(zhàn)略的范圍有多大? 關于產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的文獻強調企業(yè)間的合作和地方機構的升級. 關于價值鏈文獻的重點是全球買家和價值鏈的治理與找到升級的機會， 本文認為， 集群以不同的方式對于全球價值鏈的投入， 并且這是當?shù)厮绞欠窨梢蕴嵘暮蠊?它特別關注發(fā)展中國家與全球買家有交易關系的公司的地位。 <

63、;/p><p>　　關鍵詞: 集群， 價值鏈， 競爭力， 升級， 發(fā)展中國家</p><p><b>　　1、簡介</b></p><p>　　發(fā)展中國家的公司與企業(yè)共同面臨著改善他們的表現(xiàn)，增強他們競爭力的壓力。新的，低成本的生產(chǎn)商進入全球市場，加強對勞動力密集型制成品市場的競爭。怎樣才能在發(fā)展中國家企業(yè)應對這一類型的挑戰(zhàn)，而在同時保持從經(jīng)商到勞

64、動力和資本的回報？對競爭力的文獻表明，最可行的反應就是“升級”來做出更好的產(chǎn)品，使它們更有效率，放入更多的技術活動（波特，1990年;卡普林斯基，2000）。</p><p>　　幾個學派都強調當?shù)馗偁幜Φ臎Q定因素，包括新經(jīng)濟地理學，商業(yè)研究，區(qū)域科技創(chuàng)新研究。這不僅是一些樂觀文學派認為通過加強對地方或區(qū)域產(chǎn)業(yè)政策的競爭力的可能（如庫克和摩根，1998年;派克，1992年），但也有人認為在全球經(jīng)濟化中唯一持久的競

65、爭優(yōu)勢將被局限并以隱性知識為基礎：“世界市場的形成...增加了異構，建立企業(yè)特有的競爭力的本地化能力的重要性”（馬斯克爾和MALMBERG，1999：172）。在發(fā)展中國家的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群分析這些觀點的基礎上，對地方聯(lián)系，如產(chǎn)生勞動密集的鞋類和服裝出口行業(yè)競爭優(yōu)勢的作用為重點。不過，這些產(chǎn)品恰恰是那些在其中（無論是代理商，零售商或名牌企業(yè)）已經(jīng)開始在全球的生產(chǎn)和分配系統(tǒng)的組織中發(fā)揮日益重要的作用的全球買家。這些系統(tǒng)的分析其中之一是全球價值鏈的

66、研究，作為一個非常不同的方法來升級的問題，強調在全球生產(chǎn)和分配系統(tǒng)而不是企業(yè)之間的跨邊界的聯(lián)系（格里芬和KORZENIEWICZ，1994年; 格里芬和卡普林斯基，2001）。</p><p>　　怎樣才能調和這兩個文獻？其中強調了地方的聯(lián)系和其他全球性聯(lián)系的重要性。顯然有必要使這兩種觀點在一起，特別是在出口導向型集群為例正在融入全球價值鏈中。本文提供了這樣做的方法。</p><p>　　

67、該問題本文是如何融入全球價值鏈中影響本地升級戰(zhàn)略。為了回答這個問題，區(qū)分不同類型的升級和鏈條的不同類型。對于后者，我們把重點放在鏈協(xié)調上。本文表明，有一個從保持距離，通過連續(xù)向市場關系分層管理（垂直整合）。在這兩者之間，有兩個特別重要類型的共同協(xié)調全球價值鏈：網(wǎng)絡匯集了具有互補能力的合作伙伴，和準層次結構，其中有能力和權力不對稱的一方（往往是全球買家）的青睞。本文將特別注意鏈治理的準層次的形式，解釋為什么它是來自發(fā)展中國家的共同采購以及

68、它如何影響當?shù)仄髽I(yè)升級。</p><p>　　我們對這個問題的研究，通過對發(fā)展中國家的生產(chǎn)者與自己的客戶群不對稱的關系。這些生產(chǎn)者面臨著強大的還對提升戰(zhàn)略向他們開放式的重大影響全球買家。從那以后，我們發(fā)現(xiàn)這個問題并不僅限于發(fā)展中國家集群。 Rabellotti（2001）發(fā)現(xiàn)了在意大利制鞋商面臨著類似的問題。</p><p>　　為什么有這樣的問題？為什么如何融入全球價值鏈中插入集群升級的

69、影響是很重要的問題？無論是集群文獻還是全球價值鏈的研究都強調，相互作用對升級至關重要，重視與當?shù)仄髽I(yè)和機構以及最重要的全球買家與其他協(xié)定的互動交流。如果這只是一個不同的重點問題會很容易匯集到一起的兩種方法，簡單地認為他們是相輔相成的。然而，融合是遠遠不只這樣簡單，因為與全球的買家互動往往需要在一個非常不平衡的關系范圍內(nèi)進行。這種不平等關系的轉換和升級軌跡。這將在本文的過程中顯示，為全球買家在享受工作的本地生產(chǎn)者在其他類型的提升，但遇到一

70、些障礙類型相當大的優(yōu)勢。本文還詢問這些障礙是否是永久性的，并討論如何克服這些問題。</p><p>　　本文進一步分為三個部分。第二節(jié)討論了在集群和價值鏈升級的文獻。第三節(jié)區(qū)分全球價值鏈治理的不同形式，并分析其產(chǎn)生的原因。第四節(jié)討論如何在全球價值鏈的影響下不同類型的產(chǎn)業(yè)集群升級，同時特別注重關系和升級前景如何隨時間而改變。</p><p>　　2、集群和價值鏈的升級</p>

71、<p>　　隨著發(fā)展中國家融入全球市場一體化的深化，這些國家的企業(yè)面臨著越來越大的競爭壓力。對于生產(chǎn)商，面對這種壓力要維持或增加收入，他們必須增加其活動的技能含量和/進入細分市場進入壁壘具有絕緣性，因此在一定程度上從這些壓力或移動。我們把這類活動作為提升轉變。</p><p>　　無論是集群還是價值鏈方法強調升級，以面對日益增加的全球市場競爭的重要性。同樣的，都強調治理在升級所扮演的角色，用這個詞來表示

72、治理的合作，通過非市場經(jīng)濟活動的協(xié)調關系。治理是特別重要的產(chǎn)生，轉讓和領先的技術創(chuàng)新，使企業(yè)提高其性能知識的傳播。然而，這兩種方法看到截然不同的基因位點的治理工作，學習與集群內(nèi)或鏈條，提升企業(yè)在發(fā)展中國家的機會截然不同的影響。</p><p>　　地方治理作為競爭力來源的重要性已經(jīng)被特別強調在兩項最近的工作：區(qū)域科學（特別是工業(yè)區(qū)文學）及創(chuàng)新研究。這兩個機構的工作既充分考慮市場動態(tài)，通過升級，實現(xiàn)通過高路，即競爭

73、力。在工業(yè)區(qū)文獻的“第三意大利”和歐洲經(jīng)驗引起了（20世紀90年代中后期1980s/early）到一個地方/區(qū)域產(chǎn)業(yè)政策的新模式，，（1）代表團強調功能多樣化政府和非政府機構的范圍;（2）公司通過機構密切企業(yè);（3）擴展了與私營創(chuàng)業(yè)到公共部門的關注;及（4）強調通過企業(yè)和生產(chǎn)者協(xié)會財團自助（BRUSCO，1990）。換句話說，知識的快速發(fā)展和集群內(nèi)的擴散是并非只是偶然的協(xié)同作用的結果，是工業(yè)氛圍，由公共和私營部門政策網(wǎng)絡（斯科特，199

74、6）培育。這導致了一個新的重點，作為一項關系地區(qū)的學習和創(chuàng)新的影響（例如，法語著作在環(huán)境上革新，MAILLAT，1996，斯托波，1995年）。</p><p>　　當?shù)卣呔W(wǎng)絡的重要性也是中央到地方創(chuàng)新體系的工作。在20世紀90年代，隨著技術的發(fā)展有關文獻提出從對單個企業(yè)和創(chuàng)新與擴散走向更大的關注與強烈的區(qū)別中學習的相互作用（倫德瓦爾，1993年）的重點，然后導致對創(chuàng)新系統(tǒng)的研究，在日益在區(qū)域和地方一級的國家則

75、第一（如弗里曼，1995年; EDQUIST，1997年;。BRACZYK等，1998）。盡管來自于一個集群文獻（開始于阿爾弗雷德馬歇爾），其中強調生產(chǎn)系統(tǒng)，對公司的接近，并附帶集聚經(jīng)濟，對當?shù)氐膭?chuàng)新系統(tǒng)的工作從一開始就更加關注的知識體系，知識的提高組織的重要性，并自覺地追求互補的好處。最重要的是要強調的，就是既看到在促進地方治理作為一項重要的補充，又看到從集聚所產(chǎn)生的附帶協(xié)同升級和競爭力。</p><p>　　

76、這種工業(yè)區(qū)關系，因為國內(nèi)復雜的，但國外簡單的視圖可以追溯到阿爾弗雷德馬歇爾：“在他的工業(yè)區(qū)原來的提法，如馬歇爾所設想的一個小業(yè)務結構，當?shù)貒衅髽I(yè)，使當?shù)赝顿Y和生產(chǎn)決策....小區(qū)內(nèi)，大量的貿(mào)易買家和賣家之間的交易區(qū)域組成，通常將會導致長期的合同或承諾馬歇爾雖然沒有明確這樣說，聯(lián)系和/或區(qū)外被假定為最小的企業(yè)合作”（馬庫森，1996：297-299）。</p><p>　　現(xiàn)代研究成果，認識到外部關系，特別是當這

77、些集群是出口導向時的重要性，但這種關系的性質的特點是公平方式明示或暗示。特別是，在意大利的工業(yè)區(qū)大量的文獻（例如，派克等人，1990年；派克和SENGENBERGER，1992年；COSSENTINO等，1996）往往含有定性為全方位的活動需要前往上述地區(qū)，為世界市場生產(chǎn)成品，或者至少是保留核心功能，如果一些生產(chǎn)活動轉移到低工資地區(qū)。與此同時，這些地區(qū)有能力創(chuàng)新和獲取的來源和吸收區(qū)外整理的知識也需要（BRUSCO，1996：153）。這

78、種能力可能是明顯在企業(yè)層面和地方機構，如技術機構。升級集中于集群本身改進產(chǎn)品和工藝。</p><p>　　無論是集群和地方創(chuàng)新體系的方法已被用來分析在發(fā)展中國家當?shù)禺a(chǎn)業(yè)發(fā)展（CASSIOLATO和LASTRES，2000； NADVI，1999； RABELLOTTI，1997年；施密茨，1995年）。其應用的特點是注意力集中在對當?shù)仄髽I(yè)之間和與當?shù)貦C構的互動上。在集群內(nèi)升級主要看作是帶動企業(yè)和機構。與此相反，與

79、外部世界的關系給予關注就少得多。</p><p>　　在全球價值鏈上的文獻需要對企業(yè)間的聯(lián)系非常不同的看法。委員會還關切升級通過鏈流動需要的知識。已特別注意給予強有力的龍頭企業(yè)作用，承擔的功能整合和合作，分散活動的國際協(xié)調（格里芬，1999：41）和治理結構，由格里芬定義為權威和權力關系，在一條鏈中決定如何分配和流動財力，物力和人力資源（1994：97）。我們認為低于行使這樣的管理，全球龍頭企業(yè)也發(fā)揮在當?shù)厣a(chǎn)者

80、升級機會的一個重要的角色。這將產(chǎn)生在一個鏈中供應商和采購商之間的關系強調不論在何處的位置，相應對重點地區(qū)內(nèi)聯(lián)系。</p><p>　　全球價值鏈分析強調，當?shù)厣a(chǎn)者從全球買家那里學習如何改善生產(chǎn)流程，達到一致的高品質，并提高響應速度。這種升級的促進效應，尤其是新的全球市場（基辛和拉爾，1992；皮奧里和魯伊斯杜蘭，1998年； 施米茨和KNORRINGA，2000年）。這也是產(chǎn)品升級的范圍。格里芬歸為組織繼承，一

81、個制造商開始為迎合買家的低端市場，然后移動到針對買家細分市場更復雜的生產(chǎn)的過程：“這允許外國買家繼承從而提升自己的制造商設施，他們會見了買方需要更先進的產(chǎn)品”（格里芬，1999：53）。它也可以出現(xiàn)在鏈中的龍頭企業(yè)，提升自己的最終產(chǎn)品的提供。道蘭和漢弗萊（2000）認為，該行業(yè)的新鮮蔬菜，超市采用更先進的產(chǎn)品加工和包裝，以及全新的產(chǎn)品生產(chǎn)線的升級。</p><p><b>　　3、價值鏈治理</b

82、></p><p>　　全球價值鏈分析關注的是全球生產(chǎn)和分銷系統(tǒng)是如何組織的。這些涉及到不同公司的經(jīng)常性交易。此類交易如何組織可能在交易成本經(jīng)濟學上有記載(見,例如,威廉姆森,1975年,《1979年)。在不確定性為特征的情況下，有限理性（信息可能不可用，或只在一定的收購費用）與經(jīng)濟主體之間的利益分歧，統(tǒng)籌安排，要創(chuàng)造的最小化總生產(chǎn)和交易成本。負責統(tǒng)籌的關鍵問題是：</p><p>

83、　　要生產(chǎn)什么。這涉及到產(chǎn)品的設計，無論是在廣泛的概念和詳細規(guī)格。</p><p>　　它是如何產(chǎn)生。這涉及到生產(chǎn)過程的定義，其中可以包括如要使用的技術，質量體系，勞工標準和環(huán)境標準的元素。</p><p>　　物理產(chǎn)品流：要生產(chǎn)多少數(shù)量的產(chǎn)品，什么時候，以及產(chǎn)品鏈流程將被如何處理。</p><p>　　交易成本的兩種常見的文學標識為統(tǒng)籌安排市場和層次結構。市場是有

84、效的，特別是對標準產(chǎn)品。一條價值鏈中不同點之間的協(xié)調要求低, 對產(chǎn)品的估值和供應商的性能監(jiān)測是相對容易，而且規(guī)模經(jīng)濟可能是巨大的。買家和供應商維持著公平的市場關系。這意味著產(chǎn)品(a)標準,或可以定制容易;或(b)是由買方提供的圖紙 (實際上,采購生產(chǎn)者的標準生產(chǎn)技能)。這進一步意味著買方要求能通過一系列的公司得到滿足。如果特定的過程或程序的功能要求，滿足它們通過應用非經(jīng)常交易的具體標準，由獨立的認證驗證。</p><

85、p>　　隨著特定買家的需求，產(chǎn)品變得更加的個性化，或當它變得難以監(jiān)測供應商的表現(xiàn)或正在供應的產(chǎn)品難以定價，則交易成本增加，交易成本增加,買方和賣方需要在更密切地互動合作，協(xié)調產(chǎn)生什么，如何生產(chǎn)和何時生產(chǎn)。這增加了復雜的評價水平和未來的不確定因素。反過來,這進一步增加了談判的成本和費用和引入適當?shù)谋Ｕ洗胧?、如監(jiān)測另一方的表現(xiàn)，進行全面、明確的承諾。此外,制造定制產(chǎn)品,用來滿足顧客的需要（這可能與產(chǎn)品設計，工藝，或交付有關附表）增加了

86、使用特定資產(chǎn)進行交易的可能性。這就使得這些資產(chǎn)的所有者容易產(chǎn)生機會主義行為。因此,定制和復雜的交流，涉及增加了交易成本。與此同時,潛在的規(guī)模經(jīng)濟下跌,因為產(chǎn)品已經(jīng)不再是一種標準的。因此, 統(tǒng)籌范圍內(nèi)的企業(yè)（層次結構，或垂直整合）的邊界活動變得更具成本效益。</p><p>　　交易成本理論曾用于解釋決定在內(nèi)部生產(chǎn)或者和外包。在國際方面,它可以用來解釋為什么公司采用保持距離的決策，而不是從外國直接投資。然而,價值鏈

87、的作用的研究集中在創(chuàng)造買家的全球生產(chǎn)和銷售網(wǎng)絡。在極端的情況下,大型零售商或名牌公司組織生產(chǎn)系統(tǒng),集中在各個國家生產(chǎn)商,但是沒有擁有任何自己的制造設施。這些系統(tǒng)是否網(wǎng)絡特點:他們是在正式獨立，持續(xù)的、結構化的交易方式的公司。</p><p>　　4、價值鏈關系和集群的升級在第三節(jié)的分析表明，在價值鏈的可以區(qū)別四種類型的關系：</p><p>　　公平市場的關系。買家和供應商不發(fā)展密切的關

88、系。這意味著，供應商有能力生產(chǎn)該產(chǎn)品的買方需求，也希望買家的要求（包括質量，可靠性等）可以由一個范圍內(nèi)企業(yè)實現(xiàn)。</p><p>　　網(wǎng)絡。企業(yè)形成一個有更多的信息交集的合作關系，經(jīng)常劃分的基本價值鏈之間的競爭力，經(jīng)常劃分基本價值鏈之間的競爭力。這種關系的特點是相互依賴。在這種情況下，買方可以指定某些產(chǎn)品要達到的執(zhí)行標準或過程標準，但供應商應該有信心能夠滿足這些需求。</p><p>