[雙語翻譯]女權(quán)主義外文翻譯--俄羅斯人和美國人的女權(quán)意識

1、7600 英文單詞， 英文單詞，4.2 萬英文字符，中文 萬英文字符，中文 13400 字文獻(xiàn)出處： 文獻(xiàn)出處：Henderson-King D, Zhermer N. Feminist consciousness among Russians and Americans[J]. Sex Roles, 2003, 48(3-4): 143-155.Feminist Consciousness Among Russians and Ame

2、ricansDonna Henderson-King and Natalya ZhermerMost empirical research on feminist consciousness has been conducted with North American women. In this study we examined feminist consciousness and attitudes toward women’s

3、issues among Russian and American women and men. Survey data from undergraduate students provide evidence of both cross-cultural and gender-related differences. Women scored higher than men on 4 of the 5 aspects of femin

4、ist consciousness measured in this study. American students scored higher on three aspects of feminist consciousness; however, Russian students were higher on sensitivity to sexism. Data concerning attitudes toward speci

5、fic women’s issues are also presented. Findings suggest that judgments about feminist consciousness based solely on these attitudes could lead to misconceptions about levels of feminist consciousness across cultures.KEY

6、WORDS: feminist consciousness; gender; attitudes.The psychological literature is home to a growing body of research on feminist consciousness. However, with few exceptions (e.g., Klein, 1987; Wilcox, 1991) most of the em

7、pirical research on this topic has been conducted with women, primarily women living in the United States. Much less is known about feminist consciousness among women of other nationalities or among men. The purpose of t

8、he current research was to expand our knowledge base in this area by examining feminist consciousness within a population whose gender ideology has been historically different from that of the United States. This study w

9、as conducted with Russian and American undergraduate students and designed to measure feminist consciousness among young women and men. In addition, we examined these same students’ attitudes about two specific issues th

10、at are important to women: access to abortion and the problem of women’s double workload.Scholars of the psychology of group consciousness, and feminist consciousness in particular, have found a Marxist perspective usefu

11、l in understanding the emergence and phenomenology of consciousness (Bartky, 1975; Cross, 1971; Gurin, Miller, Tajfel, 1978b). A Marxist analysis of social change and political consciousness recognizes that both will va

12、ry depending on the sociohistorical context and the material conditions that exist within that context. Even within a given social context, differences in social location will produce variations in political consciousnes

13、s; for example, American women’s feminist consciousness is complicated by, among other factors, race and class (e.g., Chow, 1987; Dugger, 1988). Thus, any examination of political consciousness within two different conte

14、xts, as in two countries that differ in ideology and culture, might be expected to reveal differences. Although the intent of this paper is not to engage in deep analysis of historical, ideological, and structural factor

15、s that may have influenced feminist consciousness in the United States and Russia, we argue that differences in Russians’ and Americans’ experiences of feminist consciousness might well be expected and that any such diff

16、erences may be due to the specific social contexts in which consciousness has emerged.Feminist Consciousness in the United States and RussiaContemporary feminism has evolved to the point that it is now composed of a plur

17、ality of positions and theoretical perspectives (see Jaggar Tong, 1998; Whelehan, Although official doctrine has maintained that the “woman question” has been solved (and simultaneously that it has consistently been les

18、s important than other political and economic concerns), gender inequity has been a permanent facet of the Russian social landscape (Mamonova, 1984; Waters Kay, 1997; Kerig et al., 1993). Critics of egalitarianism argue

19、d that Russian society was not well served by the “forced liberation” of women from traditional roles, nor by the resulting emasculization of Russian men. Since that time, Russian media have played up the importance of a

20、 return to stereotypical femininity, masculinity, and traditional roles. During the 1980s a course on family life that promotes traditional gender roles was made compulsory for Russian high school students. The course as

21、sumes, and does not question, the view that there are essential differences between men and women that serve as the underpinning for stereotypical adult roles. It encourages child rearing based on principles of sex-typed

22、 personality development, and supports the position that women are more suited to the traditional role of caring for the family. It is not surprising, then, that Popova (1999) found that, compared to their American count

23、erparts, Russian students were more traditional in their views about women’s social roles. Of particular relevance to the current study, Russian students held more traditional attitudes with regard to women’s responsibil

24、ity for childcare and about the appropriateness of gender differences in status and power within heterosexual marriage. Furthermore, mothers in contemporary Russian society experience feelings of guilt about taking time

25、away from their families, and they refer to the demands of their work and professional lives as a major cause of these feelings (Gavrilitsa, 1998).These recent trends in Russian society have found opposition in a contemp

26、orary women’s movement (Azhigikhina, 1995; Mamonova, 1984). In particular, there has been a recent, major growth spurt for the Russian women’s movement as the number of women’s groups has exploded during the past decade

27、(Lipovskaia, 1992, 1997; Marsh, 1996; Zabadykina, 1996). The movement has broadened and diversified so that currently it is accurate to speak of multiple feminisms within the Russian context, as is the case within the U.

28、S. context (Mamomova, 1984; Waters homelessness; women’s health concerns; professional women’s issues; the campaign for a return to traditional gender roles; sexual orientation and homophobia; abortion; and domestic and

29、 sexual violence. There is at least anecdotal evidence, however, that among the general population feminism is not well-regarded (Lipovskaia, 1992). Francine du Plessix Gray wrote (du Plessix Gray, 1989) about how, to av

30、oid arguments, she refrained from the use of the term feministka in her conversations while conducting research in the former Soviet Union. Despite the fact that Soviet women voiced justifiable complaints about gender r