[雙語(yǔ)翻譯]女權(quán)主義外文翻譯--俄羅斯人和美國(guó)人的女權(quán)意識(shí)（英文）

1、P1: ZBUSex Roles [sers] pp752-sers-460547 February 6, 2003 2:32 Style fi le version June 3rd, 2002Sex Roles, Vol. 48, Nos. 3/4, February 2003 ( C ? 2003)Feminist Consciousness Among Russians and AmericansDonna Henderson-

2、King1,2 and Natalya ZhermerMost empirical research on feminist consciousness has been conducted with North American women. In this study we examined feminist consciousness and attitudes toward women’s issues among Russia

3、n and American women and men. Survey data from undergraduate students provide evidence of both cross-cultural and gender-related differences. Women scored higher than men on 4 of the 5 aspects of feminist consciousness m

4、easured in this study. American students scored higher on three aspects of feminist consciousness; however, Russian students were higher on sensitivity to sexism. Data concerning attitudes toward specifi c women’s issues

5、 are also presented. Findings suggest that judgments about feminist consciousness based solely on these attitudes could lead to misconceptions about levels of feminist consciousness across cultures.KEY WORDS: feminist co

6、nsciousness; gender; attitudes.The psychological literature is home to a grow- ing body of research on feminist consciousness. How- ever, with few exceptions (e.g., Klein, 1987; Wilcox, 1991) most of the empirical resear

7、ch on this topic has been conducted with women, primarily women liv- ing in the United States. Much less is known about feminist consciousness among women of other na- tionalities or among men. The purpose of the cur- re

8、nt research was to expand our knowledge base in this area by examining feminist consciousness within a population whose gender ideology has been histor- ically different from that of the United States. This study was con

9、ducted with Russian and American un- dergraduate students and designed to measure femi- nist consciousness among young women and men. In addition, we examined these same students’ attitudes about two specifi c issues tha

10、t are important to women: access to abortion and the problem of women’s double workload.1Psychology Department, Grand Valley State University, Allendale, Michigan. 2To whom correspondence should be addressed at Psycholog

11、y De- partment, 2224 Au Sable Hall, Grand Valley State University, Allendale, Michigan 49401; e-mail: hendersd@gvsu.edu.Scholars of the psychology of group conscious- ness, and feminist consciousness in particular, have

12、found a Marxist perspective useful in understand- ing the emergence and phenomenology of conscious- ness (Bartky, 1975; Cross, 1971; Gurin, Miller, Tajfel, 1978b). A Marxist analysis of social change and political consc

13、iousness recognizes that both will vary depending on the sociohistori- cal context and the material conditions that exist within that context. Even within a given social con- text, differences in social location will pro

14、duce vari- ations in political consciousness; for example, Amer- ican women’s feminist consciousness is complicated by, among other factors, race and class (e.g., Chow, 1987; Dugger, 1988). Thus, any examination of po- l

15、itical consciousness within two different contexts, as in two countries that differ in ideology and cul- ture, might be expected to reveal differences. Al- though the intent of this paper is not to engage in deep analysi

16、s of historical, ideological, and struc- tural factors that may have infl uenced feminist con- sciousness in the United States and Russia, we argue that differences in Russians’ and Americans’ expe- riences of feminist c

17、onsciousness might well be ex- pected and that any such differences may be due to the specifi c social contexts in which consciousness has emerged.143 0360-0025/03/0200-0143/0 C ? 2003 Plenum Publishing CorporationP1: ZB

18、USex Roles [sers] pp752-sers-460547 February 6, 2003 2:32 Style fi le version June 3rd, 2002Feminist Consciousness 145well served by the “ forced liberation” of women from traditional roles, nor by the resulting emasculi

19、zation of Russian men. Since that time, Russian media have played up the importance of a return to stereotypical femininity, masculinity, and traditional roles. During the 1980s a course on family life that promotes trad

20、i- tional gender roles was made compulsory for Russian high school students. The course assumes, and does not question, the view that there are essential differ- ences between men and women that serve as the un- derpinni

21、ng for stereotypical adult roles. It encourages child rearing based on principles of sex-typed per- sonality development, and supports the position that women are more suited to the traditional role of car- ingforthefami

22、ly.Itisnotsurprising,then,thatPopova (1999) found that, compared to their American coun- terparts, Russian students were more traditional in their views about women’s social roles. Of particular relevance to the current

23、study, Russian students held more traditional attitudes with regard to women’s re- sponsibility for childcare and about the appropriate- ness of gender differences in status and power within heterosexual marriage. Furthe

24、rmore, mothers in con- temporary Russian society experience feelings of guilt about taking time away from their families, and they refer to the demands of their work and professional lives as a major cause of these feeli

25、ngs (Gavrilitsa, 1998). These recent trends in Russian society have found opposition in a contemporary women’s move- ment (Azhigikhina, 1995; Mamonova, 1984). In par- ticular, there has been a recent, major growth spurt

26、for the Russian women’s movement as the number of women’s groups has exploded during the past decade (Lipovskaia, 1992, 1997; Marsh, 1996; Zabadykina, 1996). The movement has broadened and diversi- fi ed so that currentl

27、y it is accurate to speak of mul- tiple feminisms within the Russian context, as is the case within the U.S. context (Mamomova, 1984; Waters homelessness; women’s health concerns; professional women’s issues; the campai

28、gn for a return to tradi- tional gender roles; sexual orientation and homopho- bia;abortion;anddomesticandsexualviolence.There is at least anecdotal evidence, however, that among the general population feminism is not we

29、ll-regarded (Lipovskaia, 1992). Francine du Plessix Gray wrote (du Plessix Gray, 1989) about how, to avoid ar- guments, she refrained from the use of the termfeministka in her conversations while conducting re- search in

30、 the former Soviet Union. Despite the fact that Soviet women voiced justifi able complaints about gender relations, du Plessix Gray met few who saw feminism as a legitimate, effective response to their problems. Besides

31、this sort of anecdotal evidence, however, little is known about feminist identifi ca- tion or about other aspects of feminist consciousness among Russians.Aspects of Feminist ConsciousnessThis study takes a multidimensio

32、nal approach to feminist consciousness. Social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978a, 1982) articulates two primary components of group consciousness: a sense of belongingness to a particular social group; and, associated with

33、this awareness, an evaluative stance toward the group. Thus, feminist consciousness refers, in part, to fem- inist self-identifi cation and to having positive feelings toward feminists as a group. Much of the empirical w

34、ork on feminist con- sciousness has focussed on feminist identifi cation; however, some researchers have simply asked women either to accept or to reject the label feminist as a self-descriptor. This dichotomous approach

35、 to the measurement of feminist identifi cation is problem- atic, in part, because the rejection of feminist self- identifi cation cannot always be interpreted as the absence of a feminist analysis of gender relations. I

36、n other words, not identifying oneself as feminist, particularly when the choice is strictly dichotomous, does not necessarily indicate an absence of feminist beliefs or attitudes. Precisely because of this prob- lem, He

37、nderson-King and Stewart (1994, 1997) have stressed the importance of using additional indica- tors of feminist consciousness and, in particular, of employing an evaluative measure of feminist con- sciousness (i.e., how

38、one feels about feminists). This seems especially important in studies that include menbecause,althoughlevelsoffeministidentifi cation are typically rather low among young women (e.g., see Griffi n, 1989; Henderson-King

39、 Renzetti, 1987), we would expect them to be even lower among young men. If the label feminist is shunned by young women, often because feminists are perceived as anti-men, their male counterparts are probablyevenlesslik

40、elytoadoptthelabel.Moreover, even men who are sympathetic to feminism might not endorse feminist self-identifi cation because of their sensitivity to the possibility that men might inappro- priately adopt or co-opt the f