金融學(xué)專業(yè)外文翻譯-----非正規(guī)與正規(guī)的轉(zhuǎn)帳金融服務(wù)或金融犯罪

1、<p>　　外文題目：Informal and Formal Money Transfer: Financial Service or Financial </p><p>　　出 處：International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy

2、 </p><p>　　作 者：Shahid Nawaz,Roddy McKinnon and Robert Webb </p><p><b>　　原 文：</b></p><p>　　Informal and Formal

3、Money Transfer: Financial Service or Financial Crime</p><p>　　Shahid Nawaz,Roddy McKinnon and Robert Webb</p><p>　　INTRODUCTION</p><p>　　Prior to the events of 11th September,2001,i

4、nter-national cooperation in the field of global financial crime prevention was already well established.Prompted by separate initiatives led by the United Nations Organisation and the Basel Committee inthe late 1980s,th

5、e creation in 1989 of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering(FATF) by the G7 countries set in place an international body to coordinate anti-money laundering measures across 26 countries and jurisdictions.Su

6、bsequently,and p</p><p>　　The core policy objectives of the FATF and the subsequent regional offshoots and business led initiatives has been to improve the effectiveness of criminal justice systems,devise ef

7、ficient financial system regulations and follow these with effective law enforcement in order to combat money laundering activities.However,combating increasingly transnational money laundering activities presents signif

8、icant regulatory and law enforcement challenges.As Moulette has reported,citing figures from the IM</p><p>　　In spite of this ongoing coordinated activity the attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentag

9、on have led the FATF to focus more actively its attention upon previously tolerated,if not legally sanctioned and controlled,informal financial services 'net works'.Emerging evidence indicates that informal finan

10、cial services networks have played an instrumental role in the international movement of terrorist finances In particular,attention is now being focused upon what we refer to in this paper </p><p>　　Typical

11、ly,the most often discussed' type 'of MTNs is informal money transfer networks (IMTNs).As the term informal infers,the financial operations conducted by IMTNs,and one of their primary advantages,is that they ope

12、rate predominantly beyond the regulatory oversight of national and international financial system regulatory bodies. Despite the attention being paid to informal MTNs,and to the South Asian variant of the hawala in part

13、icular,M T N s also play an important role in formal financia</p><p>　　Formal money transfer networks(FMTNs),such as correspondent bank networks,fulfil an important financial intermediary role within the int

14、ernational banking system,especially in relation to foreign exchange movements.However,the formal nature of some MTNs has proven insufficient to isolate these specific networks from a degree of criticism more commonly re

15、served for unregulated financial services practices.Due to the fungibility of finance, it is now more readily accepted that a significant propo</p><p>　　THE GROWTH OF IMTNS</p><p>　　Informal mo

16、ney transfer networks are found throughout the world in a variety of forms.One of the earliest examples of money transfer networks can be traced to the T'ang Dynasty in China (656AD-909AD).As Lambert explains,'t

17、he growing tea trade between the south and the imperial capital underscored the necessity for a more convenient method of exchange.As a result,a money transfer network called feich'ien,literally' flying money'

18、; was developed.In the context of this article,and especially with re</p><p>　　All IMTNs share a common set of operational characteristics,namely,a' lack of records,customer identification or regulatory

19、oversight,and the potential for misuse by criminals'.9 As the FATF outline, the most commonly referred to examples of IMTNs are the' Chinese 'chit or chop system of East and Southeast Asia,the black market p

20、eso exchange(BMPE)system of Latin America,and the hawala system,with its 'off shoot',the hundi system of South Asia.Mirroring well-established migrant labour patterns,s</p><p>　　The position of infor

21、mal money transfer networks alongside that of the formal financial system can best be understood in terms of what is commonly referred to in the academic literature as 'financial dualism'. More specifically,howev

22、er,IMTNs can also be understood in the wider context of what is variously referred to,and often somewhat pejoratively,as 'archaic' remittance systems,'parallel','fragmented','black or'resi

23、dual' financial systems or 'underground' financial systems.</p><p>　　The financial services roles played by IMTNs can be defined from two important perspectives. IMTNs can be presented as long-

24、standing,indeed archaic financial services practices,which predate the creation of modern financial systems.As Gurley to aid the allocation of resources between deficit and surplus units.16 If a financial system did not

25、exist,institutions,firms and households would be forced to operate as self-contained units.Thus financial systems help to utilise society's scarce resource</p><p>　　Although neoclassical financial theory

26、 provides one means of understanding the existence of IMTNs,the weakness of this approach lies in explaining the continuing relevance and popularity of IMTNs in the modern era.Explaining the continuing relevance and popu

27、larity of IMTNs presents an interesting paradox.On the one hand,the continuing relevance and popularity of IMTNs can be explained by the importance in some close-knit societies of traditional cultural mores while,on the

28、other hand, it is also</p><p>　　From another perspective,IMTNs can be presented as being a structural response to information asymmetries in the financial services marketplace and a necessary feature of segm

29、ented financial systems. The problem of asymmetric or incomplete</p><p>　　information flows was first introduced in the seminal work of Akerlor and considered in a financial institutions setting by,among oth

30、ers,Santomero, Campbell and Kracaw and Diamond. The significance of asymmetric information,however,is especially important to the continuing relevance of IMTNs because these markets are utilised predominantly by those ma

31、rginalised consumers,including the poor,who are ignored by formal financial institutions because of heightened uncertainty and risk.</p><p>　　As a result,the wider appeal of IMTNs stretches further than bein

32、g a financial service for marginalised financial services consumers only.In India,for example,it is suggested that 50 percent of national economic activity makes some use of the hawala system. This leads to the conclusio

33、n that IMTNs in India and elsewhere are not only used by the poor but also by relatively rich individuals to transfer cash lump sums,or other assets,quickly and relatively cheaply to family members or associates who</

34、p><p>　　Two other important reasons which help explain the continuing use and growth of IMTNs by those that would normally have access to the formal financial system are that IMTNs avoid the additional costs th

35、at formal institutions bring and,crucially,they circumvent visible paper trails left by formal financial services in the fulfilment of such cash transactions. Interestingly,just as IMTNs have been used innovatively to by

36、pass formal regulation so too have FMTNs been used to avoid potential financia</p><p>　　Within IMTNs,the circumvention of formal regulation is executed efficiently due to the informal nature of these network

37、s and the important emphasis placed by all involved parties on the role of trust.Trust between the participants in IMTNs is essential to safeguard not only the survival of the system itself,but also to protect its partic

38、ipants.It is for this reason that these systems,typically,are operated through a network of closeknit family, professional,regional or ethnic connections.Somewha</p><p>　　A key and highly salient example of

39、how closeknit ties are important to the operations of IMTNs is the case of the Pashtun ethnic group indigenous to the Northwest frontier province of Pakistan and large areas of Afghanistan.Not only does the Pashtun popul

40、ation have a long standing record of involvement in the money transfer 'business' a trade which dove tails conveniently with,indeed may provide a necessary' financial' service for,the Afghan drugs trade b

41、ut this trade is facilitated by a large </p><p>　　Most significantly for current investigations into the international movement of terrorist funds,not only was the Taliban regime anchored firmly on Pashtun s

42、upport but a large Pashtun ethnic group is found in the key regional financial trading centre of the United Arab Emirates(UAE). In light of these observations,it becomes more clear as to why these money transfer networks

43、 have proven to be popular,indeed convenient, mechanisms for criminal brotherhoods to disseminate'hot money',not least mone</p><p>　　A further reason for the growth of IMTNs is that they provide an i

44、mportant socio economic function by channelling remittances.IMTNs provide a rapid,reliable and relatively cheap conduit for, most commonly,the homeward channelling by migrant workers of cash remittances.As the Internatio

45、nal Labour Organisation(ILO)report,the value of are estimated to equate to the value of remittances transferred through the formal financial system.In short, and over and above the positive social welfare outcomes</p

46、><p>　　THE ORIGINS AND GROWTH OF THE HAWALA SYSTEM</p><p>　　Although it is not possible to determine the exac origins of the hawala system,it is widely accepted that its roots lie firmly in South A

47、sia.Our lack of knowledge about its origins is reflected by the degree of confusion and uncertainty that exist regarding the name 'hawala 'itself. Although it I widely accepted that the origins of hawala lie in n

48、on Arab speaking Muslim countries,some source quote that the term 'hawala' has Arabic origins.A Lambert outlines,the term with the spelling 'hawallah '</p><p>　　Alternatively,the term' ha

49、wala' has also been defined as a Hindi word meaning 'providing a code'.T o add to the confusion other sources present hawala again as a Hindi word,yet this time defined as meaning' trust' . Regardless

50、 of this definitional uncertainty,it is beyond doubt that the hawala system proved itself to have a wider geographic applicability outside of South Asia once early regional trading links developed,first with Arab traders

51、 and then under the Ottoman empire.The practical impor</p><p>　　Albeit that the threat of highway robbery has reduced in most countries across the world,the convenience and simplicity of hawala which proved

52、so appealing to early traders still has a continuing relevance to the contemporary world.Specifically,the continuing relevance of the hawala system cannot be disassociated from the historically unprecedented scale of the

53、 South Asian human diaspora across Europe,North and South America,South and East Africa and Australia.Today,the hawala system can rightly</p><p>　　As an alternate money transfer network,hawala may be used fo

54、r transferring funds to and fro between two parties,and to do so either within or acros national frontiers.In practice,a customer may approach a hawaladar (agent)to transfer money from,for example,Pakistan to the USA.The

55、 hawaladar in Pakistan would contact his counter par in the USA by fax,phone or email and request that a sum of money in US dollars,equivalent to an agreed amount of Pakistani rupees,is paid to an unnamed beneficiary.To

56、</p><p>　　The money transfer is completed when the designated beneficiary presents the appropriate code to the associate hawaladar.It is usually common practice for the money to be paid out in notes of small

57、 denomination.A service charge, albeit at a level lower than official market rates,is deducted from the final payment.The final element of the process requires the associate hawaladars to settle their respective account

58、s.This settlement between the associate hawaladars may be made through various mech</p><p>　　CONCLUSION</p><p>　　For many emerging markets,the key stumbling block to the better enforcement of re

59、gulatory oversight is often the continuing lack of trust in the probity of the formal state-regulated financial system. Until regulatory authorities can build up public trust in financial systems,and especially so in cou

60、ntries where traditionally a lack of trust in public authorities may not only be politically expedient but also financially prudent,this task will be difficult to achieve.Ultimately,the creation and </p><p>

61、<b>　　譯 文：</b></p><p>　　非正規(guī)與正規(guī)的轉(zhuǎn)帳——金融服務(wù)或金融犯罪</p><p><b>　　一、引言</b></p><p>　　在2001年9月11日舉行的領(lǐng)域合作中，國(guó)際金融犯罪組織已經(jīng)確立以聯(lián)合國(guó)為主導(dǎo)，協(xié)同巴塞爾委員會(huì)采取不同的措施。創(chuàng)建于1989年的金融行動(dòng)特別工作組是一個(gè)以打擊洗

62、錢為主的國(guó)際機(jī)構(gòu)。他制定的反洗錢措施，適用于26個(gè)國(guó)家和地區(qū)。其他地區(qū)的州際組織在西歐、東歐、美國(guó)和加勒比地區(qū)以及亞洲起草了類似的反洗錢法。這些州際監(jiān)管措施尚未由商業(yè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)進(jìn)行補(bǔ)充，反洗錢是為了促進(jìn)整個(gè)銀行體系更高的透明度而制定的。</p><p>　　提高刑事司法系統(tǒng)的有效性是政策的核心目標(biāo)。商業(yè)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的打擊措施是設(shè)計(jì)有效率的金融系統(tǒng)法規(guī)。執(zhí)法人員為打擊越來(lái)越多的跨國(guó)洗錢活動(dòng)提供了非常重要的監(jiān)管和執(zhí)法措施。據(jù)報(bào)道，

63、國(guó)際貨幣基金組織的規(guī)模中可以洗錢的區(qū)域?yàn)槿虻陌俜种痤~占世界GDP的百分之八。</p><p>　　盡管目前911襲擊世貿(mào)中心和五角大樓已經(jīng)開(kāi)始展開(kāi)協(xié)調(diào)活動(dòng)，并積極關(guān)注于打擊非正規(guī)金融。非正規(guī)金融服務(wù)例如網(wǎng)絡(luò)保險(xiǎn)的產(chǎn)品是不合法的。一些新證據(jù)表明，非正規(guī)金融服務(wù)網(wǎng)絡(luò)在國(guó)際運(yùn)動(dòng)中已經(jīng)扮演了關(guān)鍵的角色，為恐怖分子提供資金。因此應(yīng)特別注意轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)。人們通過(guò)這些類型的網(wǎng)絡(luò)吸引了大量的關(guān)注，包括恐怖主義的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)宣言。&l

64、t;/p><p>　　一般討論最多的是非正式轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)。非正規(guī)金融業(yè)的轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)主要的優(yōu)勢(shì)是國(guó)際金融系統(tǒng)監(jiān)督管理機(jī)構(gòu)對(duì)他們操作的監(jiān)管較松。盡管轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)在發(fā)達(dá)國(guó)家和發(fā)展中國(guó)家是非正式的，但它在正規(guī)的金融體系中扮演了重要的角色。</p><p>　　正規(guī)的匯款網(wǎng)絡(luò)如網(wǎng)絡(luò)通匯銀行，在國(guó)際銀行體系內(nèi)履行重要的金融中介作用，特別是在分析外匯運(yùn)動(dòng)的時(shí)侯。轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的非正式性表明他不足以隔離這些具體的網(wǎng)絡(luò)，通過(guò)某

65、種程度的批評(píng)廣泛用于不受管制的金融服務(wù)實(shí)踐。它促使絕大部分的資金開(kāi)始循環(huán)并進(jìn)入金融體系。無(wú)管制的實(shí)行很大程度上來(lái)自于轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)。美國(guó)的關(guān)聯(lián)銀行允許不規(guī)范得轉(zhuǎn)讓非法或合法的資金，從而使金融機(jī)構(gòu)的資金通過(guò)調(diào)節(jié)開(kāi)始或繼續(xù)增長(zhǎng)。它適用于個(gè)人以及整個(gè)國(guó)家贊助恐怖主義活動(dòng)。部分資金可能被當(dāng)成是非法基金被沒(méi)收，因此金融領(lǐng)域的網(wǎng)絡(luò)通匯銀行和轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)相互排斥。</p><p><b>　　二、轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的成長(zhǎng)</b&g

66、t;</p><p>　　非正式轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)遍布世界，擁有各種不同的形式。最早的轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的例子出現(xiàn)在中國(guó)唐朝。蘭伯特解釋說(shuō)，帝國(guó)首都強(qiáng)調(diào)茶貿(mào)易增長(zhǎng)在南方的必要性，作為結(jié)果產(chǎn)生了一個(gè)更便捷的交換方法，叫做飛錢傳輸網(wǎng)絡(luò)。字面上的意思是飛行的錢。這篇文章的背景是關(guān)于反恐戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的起源，它揭示出非正式轉(zhuǎn)賬是不可忽視的元素。</p><p>　　所有的轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)有共同的運(yùn)行特點(diǎn)，即缺乏良好的記錄、客戶鑒定或監(jiān)

67、督管理機(jī)制，并可能被濫用于打擊罪犯。最一般的轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的例子是中國(guó)的金融系統(tǒng)，東亞和東南亞比索交易所(BMPE黑市)，管路拉丁美洲和哈瓦拉制度。轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)提供的交替匯款服務(wù)適用于法國(guó)、北非、西班牙、意大利、東南亞、德國(guó)和土耳其以及前南斯拉夫、荷蘭與蘇里南。</p><p>　　非正規(guī)金融的轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)與正規(guī)金融體系的聯(lián)系與區(qū)別在財(cái)務(wù)二元論中有較合理的解釋。更確切地說(shuō), 轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)在更廣泛的語(yǔ)境中可以被理解為是以不同的方式進(jìn)

68、行匯款的系統(tǒng)，包括黑色的財(cái)務(wù)系統(tǒng)和地下的財(cái)務(wù)系統(tǒng)。</p><p>　　轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的金融服務(wù)作用有兩個(gè)：轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)可以被看作長(zhǎng)期的金融服務(wù)實(shí)踐，是為幫助資源配置和彌補(bǔ)赤字型金融系統(tǒng)而創(chuàng)造的現(xiàn)代金融系統(tǒng)。機(jī)構(gòu)、公司和家庭將作為獨(dú)立的單位進(jìn)行運(yùn)作。因此金融系統(tǒng)有助于更好得利用社會(huì)稀缺資源并提高生產(chǎn)效率，從而幫助經(jīng)濟(jì)的增長(zhǎng)和提高生活標(biāo)準(zhǔn)。金融機(jī)構(gòu)開(kāi)發(fā)和經(jīng)營(yíng)正規(guī)金融系統(tǒng)，考慮預(yù)期風(fēng)險(xiǎn)回報(bào)。與過(guò)去的經(jīng)驗(yàn)相比，他們的業(yè)務(wù)性質(zhì)往往

69、不是正規(guī)的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)平衡。</p><p>　　新古典主義的金融理論可以以轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的形式存在。這種方法的弱點(diǎn)在于難以解釋轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的持續(xù)性、關(guān)聯(lián)性和普及性。現(xiàn)在流行的解釋方法是提出了一種有趣的悖論。一方面轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的持續(xù)性、關(guān)聯(lián)性和普及性可以解釋為一些社會(huì)傳統(tǒng)文化習(xí)俗的重要性；而在另一方面它也與跨國(guó)貿(mào)易、金融和家庭結(jié)構(gòu)的存在共享我們的全球化。因此轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)都是非正式性質(zhì)的，主要依靠非傳統(tǒng)形式進(jìn)行交貨。但是，越來(lái)越多的案例說(shuō)明

70、了非正規(guī)金融全球化的影響。例如，傳統(tǒng)轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)被認(rèn)為具有高度適應(yīng)性，適用于現(xiàn)代電子商務(wù)?？萍计脚_(tái)特征表明，傳統(tǒng)轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)很適合國(guó)際的網(wǎng)絡(luò)洗錢，全球商業(yè)價(jià)值估計(jì)每年500億美元左右。</p><p>　　從另外一個(gè)角度看，轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)可以被看作是一個(gè)響應(yīng)信息不對(duì)稱的金融服務(wù)市場(chǎng)和財(cái)務(wù)系統(tǒng)。信息流動(dòng)的問(wèn)題被視為是阿卡勒設(shè)置在金融機(jī)構(gòu)中的不對(duì)稱或不完整的問(wèn)題。信息不對(duì)稱的意義在于轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的相關(guān)性。因?yàn)檫@些市場(chǎng)是由那些被邊緣化的

71、消費(fèi)者組成的，正規(guī)金融機(jī)構(gòu)忽視了很高的不確定性和風(fēng)險(xiǎn)性。</p><p>　　轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)做金融類服務(wù)是被邊緣化的金融服務(wù)的進(jìn)一步延伸。例如，在印度建議50%的國(guó)民經(jīng)濟(jì)活動(dòng)使用哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)。這導(dǎo)致了在印度和其它地區(qū)的轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)適用于窮人和相對(duì)富裕的個(gè)人。他給家人或同事的現(xiàn)金資產(chǎn)的轉(zhuǎn)移帶來(lái)相當(dāng)大的便利。</p><p>　　繼續(xù)使用和發(fā)展轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)的原因是它有助于進(jìn)入正規(guī)的金融體系。有趣的是，就像轉(zhuǎn)帳

72、網(wǎng)絡(luò)繞過(guò)了正式的規(guī)定進(jìn)行創(chuàng)新使用，網(wǎng)絡(luò)通匯銀行也被用來(lái)避免潛在的經(jīng)濟(jì)系統(tǒng)的瓶頸。例如在20世紀(jì)60年代歐洲貨幣市場(chǎng)的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)增長(zhǎng)的規(guī)避反映我們對(duì)美元資產(chǎn)的預(yù)期。</p><p>　　轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)正式提出實(shí)行有非正式特性的網(wǎng)絡(luò)，強(qiáng)調(diào)所有相關(guān)部門因信任而發(fā)揮的作用，探討彼此之間的信任度。轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)必須能保障系統(tǒng)本身，也能保護(hù)它的參加者。正是因?yàn)檫@一原因，這些系統(tǒng)一般情況下通過(guò)家庭、專業(yè)、區(qū)域或種族關(guān)系的網(wǎng)絡(luò)運(yùn)行進(jìn)行實(shí)施。這些系

73、統(tǒng)有些首次出現(xiàn)在蓬勃發(fā)展的社會(huì)里，包括高度依賴的家庭關(guān)系、社區(qū)關(guān)系或商務(wù)背景。</p><p>　　有關(guān)轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)行動(dòng)的例子是一個(gè)顯著表明親密關(guān)系的例子。巴基斯坦西北邊疆省份及阿富汗大部分地區(qū)的帕斯特原住民族群的人口具有長(zhǎng)期參與的記錄，他們的商業(yè)'貿(mào)易較為簡(jiǎn)便。事實(shí)上它們可能提供必要的財(cái)務(wù)服務(wù)，例如阿富汗人口居住群的毒品交易超越了傳統(tǒng)部落地區(qū)。</p><p>　　當(dāng)前最重要的由國(guó)際

74、組織調(diào)查的恐怖分子的資金，不僅受到塔利班政權(quán)的關(guān)注，也受到少數(shù)民族集中的阿拉伯聯(lián)合酋長(zhǎng)國(guó)(UAE)的關(guān)注。這些轉(zhuǎn)賬網(wǎng)絡(luò)已經(jīng)被證明是受歡迎的。事實(shí)上，方便、機(jī)制的刑事所得資金如販毒、逃稅和其他各種類型非規(guī)定的行為活動(dòng)都是金融犯罪的轉(zhuǎn)讓基金。</p><p>　　它們進(jìn)一步發(fā)展的原因是能供應(yīng)給轉(zhuǎn)帳網(wǎng)絡(luò)重要的經(jīng)濟(jì)社會(huì)地位，也為其提供快速可靠和相對(duì)廉價(jià)的傳輸渠道。絕大多數(shù)情況下，向農(nóng)民工傳輸?shù)默F(xiàn)金匯款擁有國(guó)際勞工組織報(bào)告

75、的價(jià)值理念，估計(jì)的價(jià)值將通過(guò)正規(guī)金融體系進(jìn)行轉(zhuǎn)移。簡(jiǎn)而言之，超過(guò)的社會(huì)福利可能產(chǎn)生現(xiàn)金轉(zhuǎn)移，接受個(gè)人和家庭的匯款會(huì)有積極的影響。勞動(dòng)發(fā)送國(guó)對(duì)發(fā)展中國(guó)家的農(nóng)民工每年提供5%—25%的外匯收入。因此，非正式經(jīng)濟(jì)積極影響這些網(wǎng)絡(luò)，他們?cè)诮?jīng)濟(jì)中是有實(shí)際意義的。</p><p>　　三、哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)的起源以及發(fā)展</p><p>　　雖然很難確定哈瓦拉制度的根源，但普遍認(rèn)為它起源于南亞。我們不了解它的

76、起源，對(duì)存在的哈瓦拉制度存在不同程度的困惑和不確定性。一些學(xué)者認(rèn)為哈瓦拉制度起源于阿拉伯等穆斯林國(guó)家?！肮呃眮?lái)自于阿拉伯語(yǔ)，該詞的拼寫(xiě)源于一個(gè)蘭伯特的輪廓。哈瓦拉制度資金的轉(zhuǎn)移建立在兩個(gè)人之間不完全信息的使用上。</p><p>　　另外，哈瓦拉還被定義為北印度的詞義，為哈瓦拉的來(lái)源添加一個(gè)代碼?，F(xiàn)在再次作為一個(gè)北印度語(yǔ)，定義為意義的信賴。這方面的不確定性來(lái)自于它用實(shí)際行動(dòng)超越哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)，證明有更多的地理適用

77、該系統(tǒng)。南亞以外的區(qū)域與阿拉伯商人貿(mào)易的發(fā)展，證明廣泛應(yīng)用哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)在奧斯曼帝國(guó)是具有實(shí)際意義的。利用交易者的金融資產(chǎn)可以顯著減少出現(xiàn)損失的風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。</p><p>　　在全世界范圍內(nèi)便利與簡(jiǎn)單的哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)吸引早期的出口商，并持續(xù)到當(dāng)代世界。如今的哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)呈現(xiàn)出前所未有的規(guī)模。在歐洲、南北美洲、非洲和澳大利亞南部和東部，哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)可以被視為一種正規(guī)的全球非正式金融網(wǎng)絡(luò)。</p><p>　

78、　作為一種轉(zhuǎn)賬網(wǎng)絡(luò)，哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)可以用于雙方之間資金的轉(zhuǎn)移，但在實(shí)際工作中受到國(guó)界的限制。美國(guó)的哈瓦拉代理人與他的柜臺(tái)通過(guò)傳真、電話或電子郵件完成一筆錢的交易，相當(dāng)于一個(gè)議定數(shù)額的巴基斯坦盧比支付給一個(gè)匿名的受益人。那筆錢在哈瓦拉客戶端被賦予了個(gè)人準(zhǔn)則，交由指定的人去收錢，也為在美國(guó)工作的員工提供哈瓦拉經(jīng)銷商。</p><p>　　把錢匯給指定受益人的時(shí)候哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)將產(chǎn)生適當(dāng)?shù)拇a。它通常收取的小面額服務(wù)費(fèi)是從低于

79、官方的市場(chǎng)匯率中扣除的。最后付款的過(guò)程中需要哈瓦拉代理解決他們各自的帳戶結(jié)算。哈瓦拉系統(tǒng)可以通過(guò)多種機(jī)制操縱貿(mào)易，走私金、銀或?qū)毷?lt;/p><p><b>　　四、結(jié)論</b></p><p>　　對(duì)于許多新興市場(chǎng)而言，正規(guī)國(guó)家金融體系實(shí)施監(jiān)督管理機(jī)制，通常是對(duì)市場(chǎng)缺乏信任的表現(xiàn)。監(jiān)管部門在金融系統(tǒng)中特別是在傳統(tǒng)的國(guó)家里建立公眾信任，個(gè)人想要達(dá)到預(yù)期目標(biāo)需要更多的融